Nikol Pashinyan is wrong: Armenia would benefit from Russia’s defeat

A weakened post-Putin Russia would allow Armenia to ‘Armexit’ from the CSTO and EEU and expand economic and trade ties with the EU.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan is a populist and is prone to taking contradictory stances.
Pashinyan recently warned Armenians that, “If Russia loses the war in Ukraine, I have no idea what will happen to Armenia.”

Pashinyan’s comment has placed Armenia together with China, Belarus, and Iran who have strategic reasons to fear a Russian military defeat in Ukraine. Together with five Central Asian dictators, Pashinyan attended the May 9 celebrations of the great patriotic war in Moscow.


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Armenia has nothing in common with these five dictatorships and three autocracies. China and Iran seek to prevent Russia’s military defeat because this would destroy their shared goal of replacing the alleged US-led unipolar with a multipolar world.

Belarus and Iran fear Russia’s military defeat because it could lead to regime change. Russia’s military defeat would also put paid to Iran’s dream of becoming a regional military power and nuclear weapons country.

Pashinyan is a long-time civil society activist in Armenia. His democratic politics are closer to European values than those found in Russian President Vladimir Putin’s totalitarian Russia. Five years ago, Pashinyan came to power with the support of young Armenians in a Velvet Revolution (MerzhirSerzhin) that removed a cabal of corrupt and autocratic leaders who had economically ruined the country.

Armenia at the time, which had been tightly integrated with Russia, was in danger of becoming an autocracy run by the warlords who had won the First Karabakh War in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

Buried in Pashinyan’s comment are two important components of Armenian national identity.

The first is Armenians find it difficult to think outside historical stereotypes of Turkey and Azerbaijan as existential threats to their national security. The 1915 genocide of Armenians is ever present in Armenian identity even though Turkey has been a post-imperial country for the last century. Most Armenians tend to wrongly see Azerbaijanis as ‘Turks’ when they had a long history separate to the Ottoman empire and as part of the Soviet Union.

The second factor is the Armenian perception that its geographic location makes Russia its main protector. Armenia is a founding member of the CSTO (Collective Treaty Security Organisation), a Russian attempt at emulating the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact which during the Cold War opposed NATO.

Armenia hosts two Russian military bases and the FSB, Russia’s domestic security service which in the manner of its predecessor the KGB operates throughout the former USSR, operates Armenia’s borders.

In 2013, Armenia withdrew from signing an association agreement with the EU (European Union). Instead, Armenia joined Putin’s alternative, the EEU (Eurasian Economic Union).

Since 2014, Armenia has voted at the UN in support of Russia’s annexation of Crimea because it wrongly views this illegal military aggression as an example of ‘self-determination’ that could be also applied to Artsakh (the Armenian name for Karabakh).

At the same time, Armenia abstained in the October 22, 2022, UN vote on Russia’s annexation of four south-east Ukrainian regions. Only Belarus of the fifteen former Soviet republics, together with Syria, North Korea, and Nicaragua, supported Russia’s annexation.

Pashinyan’s fear of a Russian defeat is wrong because it would provide Armenia with the freedom to pursue a more independent foreign and security policy. A weakened post-Putin Russia would allow Armenia to ‘Armexit’ from the CSTO and EEU and expand economic and trade ties with the EU.

Nearly as many Armenians live and work in Russia as in Armenia. This would change if Armenia received, like Ukraine, a visa free regime with the EU allowing Armenians to live, work, and study within the Schengen Zone.

Reviving talks on an association agreement and DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement) with the EU, the world’s biggest customs union, would bring economic development and foreign investment to Armenia. The EEU will not as it is a weak, stagnant and corrupt actor in comparison to the EU.

Contrary to Pashinyan’s comment, Armenia has therefore everything to gain and nothing to lose from a Russian military defeat in Ukraine. Turkey and Azerbaijan are not planning to invade Armenia. Both countries support US and EU-brokered talks towards the signing of a peace treaty that recognises the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. Azerbaijan is willing to provide guarantees for Karabakh’s relatively small Armenian minority, estimated to be around 50,000.

After sixteen months of war, it is impossible to see a Russian military victory in Ukraine. The upcoming Ukrainian offensive will likely presage the beginning of Russian military defeat and possibly regime change in Russia.

Pashinyan should adopt a more strategic approach by grasping US and EU brokered talks to legally recognise its borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan and use the opportunity afforded by a Russian military defeat to return Armenia to the path of European integration that his discredited predecessor withdrew from.

https://emerging-europe.com/voices/nikol-pashinyan-is-wrong-armenia-would-benefit-from-russias-defeat%EF%BF%BC/

What the Turkish election means for Armenia-Turkey relations

London School of Economics, UK

Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu will challenge incumbent President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in the second round of the Turkish presidential election on 28 May. Armine Avetisyan and Kübra Zeynep Sarıaslan examine what the outcome of the vote could mean for Armenia-Turkey relations.

The parliamentary election held in Turkey on 14 May produced an overwhelming majority for nationalist parties in the country’s parliament. Nevertheless, the presidential election, which was held simultaneously, will now go to a second round of voting. Although Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the leader of the main Turkish opposition, finished behind incumbent President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in the first round, he remains in the race for the presidency.

Kılıçdaroğlu had promised to pursue a radical break from Erdoğan’s approach in a variety of policy areas, including foreign policy. His inclusive rhetoric and commitment to reconciling with marginalised groups had raised hopes among those who support closer relations between Turkey and Armenia.

The traumatic history of antagonism between the two countries and the Armenian genocide dispute continue to complicate Armenia-Turkey relations. However, while the Turkish and Armenian governments have failed to establish diplomatic ties, civil society actors on both sides have done a great deal of work to foster closer cooperation across the realms of arts and culture, the media, education, business, and tourism, among others.

But these initiatives have suffered greatly from the unpredictable and unstable foreign policies of Erdoğan’s governments over the last two decades, underlined by Turkey’s military support for Azerbaijan during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020. They have also been undermined by the ultranationalist tone of one of Erdoğan’s key allies, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP).

Turkey was one of the first nations to recognise the independent Republic of Armenia following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Yet the mutual trust and commitment to dialogue needed to restore full diplomatic relations between the two countries has never materialised. Initial normalisation efforts were derailed by the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, which took place between 1992 and 1994. The so-called Zurich Protocols, which were signed by Armenia and Turkey in 2009 as a step toward normalising relations, failed to be ratified in the two parliaments, under pressure from Azerbaijan.

In 2020, after the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Russia signed a statement which also mentioned opening all trade routes in the region. In 2021, Turkey and Armenia started a new normalisation process by appointing diplomatic representatives. As part of this process, it was announced in 2022 that the land border between Turkey and Armenia would be opened to third-country nationals, however no concrete steps have yet been taken to open the border.

One week before the 2023 Turkish elections, Kılıçdaroğlu announced proposals for a new Silk Road project connecting Europe to China without mentioning Azerbaijan, which signalled distance from the long-lasting ‘one nation two states’ motto that encapsulates the close relationship between Ankara and Baku.

Although Kılıçdaroğlu and his team have not said anything about favouring relations with Armenia over Azerbaijan, and made no comment over the recent closure of Turkish air space for Armenian flights, they have at least signalled they would not establish the same kind of relationship with Azerbaijan’s President, Ilham Aliyev, that Erdoğan has had.

It is not clear to what extent this approach to Aliyev, a popular figure among Turkish nationalists, influenced the results of the first round of the presidential election, but the unexpectedly high votes for the third candidate with Azerbaijani descent, Sinan Oğan, along with the weight of representatives from nationalist political parties in parliament perhaps give some indication.

Kılıçdaroğlu had said he will work to improve Turkey’s poor human rights record and release political prisoners. Turkey’s civil society has suffered through difficult times ever since the failed coup attempt in 2016 and the two-year period of emergency that followed. The subsequent government crackdown on civil society organisations in Turkey, according to both Turkish and Armenian civil society actors, set back some of the progress made in the preceding decades.

This is underlined by the arrest of Osman Kavala in October 2017 during the state of emergency. Kavala was a key figure in programmes promoting civil dialogue and normalisation with Armenia. He was sentenced to life imprisonment in 2022 for allegedly organising the 2013 Gezi Park protests and the failed coup attempt. Six activists, including Çiğdem Mater, another key figure in the Armenia-Turkey dialogue working for the NGO Anadolu Kültür, were sentenced to 18 years in prison for participating in the Gezi Park protests and supporting Kavala.

Human rights defenders have argued that the prosecution of Kavala and his associates is based on insufficient evidence, and in 2019 the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Turkey had violated Kavala’s fundamental rights and demanded his immediate release. Referring to this decision, Kılıçdaroğlu indicated that “no one should be imprisoned for their thoughts.” The outcome of the second round of the election could therefore have major significance for wider efforts to establish cooperation with Armenia.

The opposition in Turkey was confident that it could revive EU accession negotiations very quickly if it won the elections. The EU has played and is expected to play an important role in the reconciliation efforts between Armenia and Turkey. EU financial support for civil society has been particularly important in ensuring the sustainability of activities in this field during turbulent times.

However, there is a chronological mismatch in Turkey and Armenia’s engagement with Europe. On the one hand, Armenia, as a former Soviet state that cares about maintaining close ties with Russia, aspires to adopt western values, while Turkey, as a NATO member, has almost entirely abandoned the goal of joining the EU, especially in the last few years under Erdoğan. In addition, civil society has secured more freedom in Armenia since the Velvet Revolution in 2018, though it remains a target for the political opposition. In contrast, Erdoğan’s governments have remained distant from civil society and in some cases even hostile towards it.

Erdoğan currently holds the upper hand ahead of the second round of the presidential election, but supporters of Kılıçdaroğlu concerned with Turkey’s relations with Armenia remain hopeful about his prospects and about the potential to develop future cooperation with Armenia on the basis of shared democratic values. In this scenario, Turkey would undoubtedly gain more credibility in efforts to reach stability in Armenia’s relations with Azerbaijan.


Note: This article gives the views of the authors, not the position of EUROPP – European Politics and Policy or the London School of Economics. Featured image credit: © 2023 The Office to the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia (CC BY-ND 3.0)


Armine Avetisyan is a peacebuilding practitioner and researcher. She holds a dual MA in Conflict Studies from the Heller School of Social Policy and Management at Brandeis University (USA) and Cultural Management from Istanbul Bilgi University (Turkey).

Kübra Zeynep Sarıaslan is a Visiting Fellow at LSE’s Chair of Contemporary Turkish Studies and at the University of Cambridge. She holds a PhD in Social Anthropology from the University of Zurich (Switzerland).

Turkish Press: Armenia used UAVs to drop shells on Azerbaijani military positions in East Zangezur

Turkey –
16:18 . 18/05/2023 Thursday
AA

Azerbaijan said on Thursday that Armenia used combat drones against its military positions in the East Zangezur economic region.


“On May 18, at about 07:15 (0315GMT), the Armenian armed forces used combat UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) at several positions of the Azerbaijani Army deployed in the direction of the Yellija settlement of the Kalbajar district,” the Azerbaijani Defense Ministry said in a statement.


The remains of "projectiles made in a handicraft manner" and dropped by UAVs were found during inspections of the attacked area, it said, adding that Azerbaijan suffered no casualties and that retaliatory measures are being taken.


“We inform that the Armenian military-political leadership bears the entire responsibility for the tension created in the region,” the statement concluded.


Relations between the two former Soviet republics have been tense since 1991 when Armenia occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan and seven adjacent regions.


Most of the territory was liberated by Baku during a war in the fall of 2020, which ended after a Russian-brokered peace agreement and also opened the door to normalization.


Tensions between the neighboring countries increased in recent months over the Lachin corridor, the only land route giving Armenia access to Karabakh.

Alleged attempt to kidnap Armenian Prime Minister’s son under investigation

 

One person has been arrested over an alleged attempt to abduct Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s 23-year-old son, Ashot Pashinyan. 

According to Armenia’s Investigative Committee, Ashot Pashinyan reported that the incident took place around 1:00 PM on Wednesday near the Yerevan Court of Appeal, where the parents of soldiers killed during the 2020 war were protesting.

The Investigative Committee statement reports that the Prime Minister’s son was approached by some of the protesters, one of whom introduced herself as the mother of a killed soldier, and suggested that they sit in her car to talk quietly. 

The woman reportedly started talking about the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, while driving over the speed limit and violating traffic rules, prompting the Prime Minister’s son to demand that the car be stopped and he be let out. 

‘The mentioned woman said that her son was taken and killed without asking her, she has nothing to lose, she can kill him, so she [will take] him to Yerablur [Military Cemetery] without asking, where she will decide whether to let him out free or not, based on her emotions’, the Investigative Committee statement based on Ashot Pashinyan’s report recounted. 

Pashinyan reportedly jumped out of the car as its speed decreased at an intersection, and was hit by another car, which was driven by other parents who had been protesting near the Court of Appeal. 

Gayane Hakobyan, the woman accused of attempting to abduct Pashinyan, was arrested on Wednesday and a criminal case launched against her. On Thursday, Hakobyan announced that she was beginning a hunger strike, and would keep it for as long as she was held in the detention centre. 

The news was first published by the Armenian Times newspaper, which is owned by the Pashinyan family. 

The newspaper reported that members of Call of the Sons, an anti-government organisation founded by parents of soldiers killed in the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, attempted to kidnap Ashot Pashinyan in front of his house on Wednesday afternoon. 

Garik Galeyan, a member of the group, rejected accusations that Pashinyan was abducted, saying that members of the group ‘approached politely’, and promised that ‘nobody will do anything to you’. 

Call of the Sons issued a statement on Wednesday, saying that Pashinyan had agreed to sit in the car and go to Yerablur Military Cemetery, and jumped out of the car ‘for unknown reasons’, denying any allegations of abduction.


Turkish Press: Armenian premier’s son escapes kidnapping attempt by mother of soldier killed in 2nd Karabakh war

Turkey –
17:09 . 18/05/2023 Thursday
AA

An attempt has been made in Armenia to kidnap the son of the country's prime minister, with a grieving mother whose son was killed in a 2020 war with Azerbaijan allegedly behind the plot, local media has reported.


A woman claiming to be the mother of a soldier who died in the war over the Karabakh region, allegedly lured Ashot Pashinyan, son of Premier Nikol Pashinyan, into her car for a conversation in the capital Yerevan, according to a Wednesday report by the state-run Armenpress news agency, which cited the Investigative Committee of Armenia.


Pashinyan said that while in the vehicle, the woman told him about her son and that he had been taken to fight in the war without her consent, as she accelerated the car past the legal speed limit.


The woman reportedly expressed her desperation to Pashinyan, saying she had nothing to left to lose and intended to take him to the Yerablur Military Memorial Cemetery on the outskirts of the city, where she would decide whether or not to kill him.


Pashinyan recounted that he was able leap out of the vehicle's front seat as soon as the woman slowed down at an intersection but was hit seconds later by a vehicle driven by other parents of soldiers killed in the war.


He was able to escape the ordeal with light injuries, fleeing into a nearby supermarket, the report said, adding that the woman was later arrested and criminal proceedings launched on the matter.


In the fall of 2020, Armenia and Azerbaijan fought a 44-day war that ended after a Russian-brokered peace agreement that opened the door to normalization.


Relations between the two former Soviet republics have been tense since 1991 when Armenia occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan and seven adjacent regions.

European Film Festival takes place in Yerevan until 23 May – free admission


On 16 May, a new edition of the European Film Festival opened in Yerevan with the screening of the latest winner of the Palme d’Or, the Swedish film The Triangle of Sorrow.

The European Film Festival will be held from 16 to 23 May at Yerevan Cinema House (18, Vardanants Street). Entrance is free and open to the public. 

Thirteen award-winning films from EU member states present in Armenia will be screened with English and Armenian subtitles. 

“‘United in diversity’ is the motto of the European Union and today we, Europeans, are very pleased to show you examples of our diverse and plural cultures,” said EU ambassador to Armenia Andrea Wiktorin on the occasion of the opening of the festival. “The magic of cinema lies in its ability to captivate audiences and tell stories that resonate with people from all lifestyles. The Festival screens films that have received critical acclaim and have been successful at international film festivals, giving Armenian audiences access to award-winning European cinema.”

The European Film Festival in Armenia takes place as part of the Europe Day celebrations. This year’s festivities will continue until 26 May and will take place in Yerevan, the Sunik region and other marzes. 

Find out more

Press release

https://euneighbourseast.eu/news/latest-news/european-film-festival-takes-place-in-yerevan-until-23-may-free-admission/

Time for Canada to step up in the South Caucasus

 OPEN CANADA 

In Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenians face armed aggression and ethnic-cleansing

BY: SUSAN KORAH 

18 MAY, 2023

As ripples from the Russia-Ukraine war spread outwards, its impact – largely ignored by the international media – has been particularly acute in the South Caucasus. Here, a deadly brew of armed aggression and ethnic cleansing against the majority population of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh, a land-locked and mostly mountainous area within the territory of Azerbaijan, has the potential to erupt into another bloody war and destabilize the entire region.

Conditions in Nagorno-Karabakh (also referred to as Artsakh by Armenians) are also ripe for a full-blown genocide, warn several human rights organizations. The International Crisis Group (ICG), an independent organization working to prevent wars and shape policies for a more peaceful world, has also placed this situation on their list of conflicts to watch in 2023.

The current situation came about following renewed fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia that began in September 2020. Azerbaijan, with the support of Turkiye, made significant gains and recaptured previously Armenian-occupied Azeri territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh and large parts of Nagorno-Karabakh itself. The fighting ended in early November 2020 after a ceasefire agreement was signed between Azerbaijan and Armenia, which also led to the deployment of Russian peacekeepers.

However, the Russian peacekeepers, charged with maintaining law, order and security according to the November 2020 agreement, have not stopped several flare-ups this past year, ICG stated in its April 2023 report. In particular, the report noted that last year Azerbaijan improved its military position vis-à-vis Nagorno-Karabakh and Baku had sent “troops over the border to take positions inside Armenia, where they remain.

Russian peacekeepers are also supposed to ensure the safe passage for people and supplies through the six-kilometre long Lachin corridor that connects what remains of Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia. However, the corridor was recently blockaded for months by so-called eco-activists. While they have since departed, a new corridor checkpoint guarded by Azeri soldiers continues to restrict the movement of people and goods.

Indeed, isolated, encircled and cut off from food and vital supplies for five long months by the eco-activists – with no relief in sight – some 120,000 Armenians in Artsakh say it is not a leap of the imagination to conclude that they are targets of a campaign of ethnic cleansing or genocide by Azerbaijan, given the long history of discord between the two countries.

The 1948 UN Convention on Genocide states that this crime against humanity may be committed by causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of a group or deliberately inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.

What makes the situation even more unbearable is that that blockade has stopped most humanitarian organizations from delivering aid to a panic-stricken and starving people.

Several of these organizations have voiced their concerns. Michael LaCivita, Director of Communications for Catholic Near Eastern Welfare Association (CNEWA), an international charitable organization has been observing the scene from his New York office.

“According to Caritas Armenia, the charity of the Catholic Church in Armenia, only two groups can supply aid into Nagorno-Karabakh, which has been completely severed by Azerbaijanis since 12 December 2022: the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Russian peacekeeping forces that have been in place since 9 November 2020,” he told Open Canada. “It’s estimated that 65 percent of those who fled to Armenia in 2020, when Azerbaijan attacked Armenia – mostly women, children and the elderly – have returned to the enclave, although much of its territory has been seized by Azerbaijan, and its infrastructure, destroyed.”

“ICRC has been one of the few organizations that have been able to provide some assistance to the population,” confirmed Hagop Ipdjian, Strategic Planning Coordinator, Humanitarian Assistance Department of Artsakh from his office in Stepakakert.

“However, the aid has been limited in scale, and the organization has faced numerous challenges in delivering aid to those in need,” he added.

Nuri Kino, leader of the Sweden-based humanitarian organization A Demand for Action (ADFA) agreed that this is an unprecedented situation. Kino, who founded ADFA in 2014 to help survivors of the ISIS genocide in the Middle East is acutely aware of impending and unfolding genocides.

“We were among the first responders to help refugees from the Artsakh war of 2020,” he said. “We sent over 40 tonnes tons of winter clothing and $30,000 US worth of food to refugees from this war. We have been monitoring the current situation there daily and are ready to send humanitarian aid, but the blockade is proving to be a real obstruction this time. The international community needs to act immediately to put an end to it.”

Isa-Lei Arminé Moberg, a humanitarian aid consultant living in Sweden has reported that other organizations such as Médecins sans Frontières have been unable to provide services including mental health support that they had been able to deliver in the past.

The hardships suffered by the Armenian population, under the prolonged blockade, and the threat of genocide hovering over their heads, are traumatizing, not only for the people living under siege but also for their loved ones scattered all over the world, say members of the Armenian diaspora in Canada.

Lucy Dadayan of Montreal is one whose family is directly affected by the blockade.

“The humanitarian catastrophe was devastating even at the beginning,” Dadayan, who recently returned from a visit to Armenia, told me. “But the worry is even bigger now. It has been five months since the blockade started and the international community has done nothing to lift the blockade and prevent the ethnic cleansing of indigenous Armenians from their ancestral lands.”

“People don’t have sufficient or nutritious food to eat and have been getting very limited food via food stamps,” she said. “Warmer weather has not brought much relief. Farmers are afraid to do their work because every single day Azerbaijan fires on workers in the fields.”

Furthermore, Azerbaijan has completely cut gas for almost two months, making travel between villages impossible, and that this is particularly hard on the elderly and on children, she added.
“My aunt’s husband died a couple of months ago and my father couldn’t travel from Yerevan to Artsakh to be at the funeral. Many families are still separated because of the blockade,” she said.

Desperate for a way to help, she offered to give English lessons to her relative’s children via Zoom, but found that was impossible because electricity is cut off on a regular basis and the internet is slow. “There are 30,000 children in Artsakh whose childhood is being taken from them because of the blockade,” she added.

Inga Emiryan, another Canadian Armenian is watching the Artsakh scene with a growing sense of alarm.

“My family, who is in Stepanakert is struggling to survive every day. They stand in endless lines for basic products like flour, sugar, cooking oil and pasta. I must work twice as hard to send money for their survival,” she said from her home in Toronto.

The humanitarian consequences of the blockade have been discussed by the United Nations Security Council; the European Parliament adopted strong resolutions to end it while the European Court for Human Rights ordered Azerbaijan to end the blockade. While this has happened in one sense, in another the new government checkpoint serves the same purpose.

The UN International Court of Justice at the Hague has ruled that all restrictions by Azerbaijanis impeding the free flow of movement of people, vehicles, and goods through the Lachin corridor must be lifted.

The Canadian House of Commons Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs also unanimously adopted a motion on 14 February 2023, calling on Azerbaijan to open the Lachin corridor, guarantee the freedom of movement and avoid further deterioration of the humanitarian situation in the region of Nagorno-Karabakh.

“We are waiting for the government response to the committee’s motion calling for an end to the blockade,” a spokesperson from a committee member’s office said in an e-mail dated 24 April. And the next day, Ottawa finally released a statement noting the establishment of a checkpoint by Azerbaijan in the Lachin corridor was continuing to undermine the peace process and the government called on Baku to guarantee the freedom of movement of people and goods.

On 5 May 2023 the US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken did meet with Azeri Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov and Armenian Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan to discuss the situation, but Artsakh residents claim that there has been no actual relief from the effects of the blockade.

As for Canada, and other Western governments, there is a need pull their collective weight to resolve the issue.

For example, the Canadian government, under the leadership of then Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy played a leading role in the development of the UN principle of R2P (Responsibility to Protect) which is rooted in international human rights law and international humanitarian law. It was adopted by the UN in 2005.

R2P states that the international community has a responsibility to protect populations from crimes such as ethnic cleansing and genocide through appropriate intervention such as actual or threatened political and economic sanctions, blockades, diplomatic and military threats, international criminal prosecutions –and as a last resort – actual military action.

R2P emerged as a result of the failure of the international community to respond effectively to atrocities committed in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia.

The blockade of the Lachin Corridor is clearly endangering the lives of an entire population, and also bears the marks of an unfolding genocide.

Canada, and the rest of the international community, should seriously consider applying the principle of R2P to stop ethnic cleansing in Artsakh and prevent tensions between Azerbaijan and Armenia from erupting again into armed conflict or other forms of aggression by either side. Perhaps now might be the time for Canada to also step-up and lead efforts to create a UN peacekeeping force to replace the Russian presence?

There are other actions the Canadian government could also take to contribute to the long-term security in the South Caucasus. Last year, Ottawa announced that Canada will open a new embassy in Armenia with a resident Ambassador and a consulate has already opened in Yerevan. This was good news, but Canada should also have a permanent diplomatic presence in Azerbaijan, instead of double-hatting our ambassador in Turkiye. It just makes sense given that Russia’s presence in the South Caucasus is likely to fade given the continuing war in Ukraine and the possibility of a new all-out war between Armenia and Azerbaijan could easily erupt if the international community moves on to yet another crisis.

Indeed, renewed fighting would destabilize the entire region, undoubtedly lead to ethnic cleansing, while also jeopardizing important trade and energy routes that criss-cross the South Caucasus – all together dire consequences for the people of Nagorno-Karabakh and the entire region that must not be allowed to happen.

Susan Korah – Award-winning freelance journalist based in Ottawa


‘Greatest of All Time’: A Beloved Glendale Educator Wins District’s Teacher of the Year

Los Angeles –

Narine Yapundjian, a sixth grader teacher at Balboa Elementary School in Glendale, walked into an emergency staff meeting in April, expecting an urgent message for all employees at the school.

Little did she know, it was a surprise event organized by the school and the Glendale Unified School District to announce she was chosen as the district’s Teacher of the Year.

“[The district’s officials] talked about why they selected me,” Yapundjian recalled the moment she learned she was the winner. “To hear their 'why' was really impactful.”

The educator, who has been with the district for more than 10 years, said she had already felt like the winner even before finding out because she knew her students were blossoming under her care.

“They call me the G.O.A.T – the greatest of all time,” Yapundjian described the exchange she had with her students. “They told me, ‘It doesn’t matter who gives you the award. You’re the G.O.A.T.’”

Yapundjian, who prioritizes in building connections with her students, said sixth graders need special attention as they are at an impactful age of transitioning from being a child to getting ready for middle school.

“If you remember being 12 or 13 years old, your parents are not the adult that you want to go to,” the teacher explained. “I’m in the classroom because I’m the adult I wish I had growing up.”

Building connections with her students means extra time spent remembering details about all of her 112 students, including their names, their interests and their extracurricular activities.

“Once your students feel like you care for them, and this is a safe space, they'd know they’re loved when they walk through the door. Once they know it’s a place they want to be, learning will happen."

Narine Yapundjian said the district informed her that an official recognition event for the Teacher of the Year will happen sometime later in the year. The elementary school teacher will move up to compete with other educators across LA County then to a statewide contest.

 

Why We Love the Dallas Suburbs

Dallas –
Looking to plan the perfect day trip? Or are you looking to start a brand-new life? Here’s a list of 11 suburbs in Dallas’ surrounding areas that are worth a visit.
By Zac Crain, Mike Piellucci, Brian Reinhart, Tim Rogers, and Kathy Wise | 
  • 2021 population: 133,251
  • Population growth over the past 10 years: 9%
  • Median home sale price: $410,000
  • School district demographics: 18% Black, 55% Hispanic, 11% White, 11% Asian
  • T.E.A. school grade: B (88 out of 100)
Carrollton’s biggest growth spurt was in the 1980s, during which the population more than doubled and much of the city’s infrastructure was developed. Things have slowed down a bit in the last few decades, but the city is still rapidly improving itself, adding parks among its rolling hills and building on its reputation as one of Dallas’ most diverse and inclusive suburbs. According to a 2021 U.S. Census estimate, 28 percent of residents here are foreign born, a higher percentage than in Dallas, Richardson, Frisco, Addison, Farmers Branch, and Lewisville, and just a fraction shy of Plano.

If you want to understand Carrollton’s diversity and its appeal to residents from around the world, look to its houses of worship. On a single block of Old Denton Road, you’ll pass one of North Texas’ largest mosques, a Vietnamese Christian church, and a Syrian Orthodox church. Around the corner is St. Mary’s Orthodox Church of India. (Yes, India has an Orthodox community that traces its roots back to Christianity’s first century.) Just south of downtown is the Sri Guruvayurappan Hindu Temple.

The city’s new crown jewel, though, is St. Sarkis Armenian Orthodox Church, on the border with Plano. Consecrated in April 2022, the church and adjoining community center were designed by architect David Hotson and project architect Stepan Terzyan, a member of the congregation. The result is a warmly minimalist mixture of Armenian architectural tradition and geometric calm. On the exterior, 1.5 million centimeter wide icons form a dazzling tapestry. Like snowflakes, the icons are unique, as each represents a victim of the 1915-1917 Armenian genocide and provides a silent protest to the persecution that continues in the Caucasus today.

The town square was platted more than a century ago, in 1900, but the last few decades have brought restoration and upgrades. DART now operates along the old Dallas-to-Denton rail line. Bike trails connect the station to a variety of neighborhoods. Downtown itself, sitting in the shadow of an enormous new I-35 overpass, crams in traditional antiques malls alongside an ax-throwing joint, a Cane Rosso location, and the acclaimed 3 Nations Brewing Co., which pulls its many taps inside a restored 70-year-old grain shed.

https://www.dmagazine.com/publications/d-magazine/2023/may/why-we-love-the-dallas-suburbs/




LA City Council names Westside intersection ‘Republic of Artsakh Square’

The Los Angeles City Council voted unanimously on Tuesday, May 16, to name a Westside intersection “Republic of Artsakh Square” to raise awareness of a dictatorship that has imposed a blockade on Artsakh, threatening 120,000 people with starvation and preventing medical care, City Council President Paul Krekorian said.

The council voted to approve a motion authored by Krekorian and Councilmember Traci Park, whose district includes the newly designated Artsakh Square, to name the intersection of Wilshire Boulevard and Granville Avenue in honor of the embattled region that has great meaning for L.A.’s Armenian community.

The intersection is also the location of the Los Angeles consulate of Azerbaijan.

“Azerbaijan’s dictator has explicitly threatened genocide and called for the expulsion of all Armenians from territories he claims, once again threatening the annihilation of the Armenian people in their ancient homeland,” Krekorian said in a statement.

“This square will stand as a symbol of Artsakh’s self determination and our unequivocal opposition to the Azerbaijani dictatorship’s unproved aggression to erase Armenian history and culture,” Park said in a statement.

Krekorian accused the regime of Azerbaijan President Illham Aliyev of attempting to erase the history of Armenians in their ancestral homeland for the last 25 years, adding that the campaign has intensified since Aliyev’s occupation of Artsakh’s territory in 2020.

The Republic of Artsakh, formerly known as the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh, seceded from the Soviet Union and formed a democratic state. It is surrounded by the territory of Azerbaijan and only has access to Armenia and the outside world through the Lachin Corridor, which is now being cut off by the armed forces of Azerbaijan.

Azerbaijan’s Consulate General in Los Angeles has accused Armenia of committing atrocities on its land.

“In the early 1990s, Armenia invaded and ethnically cleansed 20% of Azerbaijan’s sovereign territory with impunity. Over 1 million Azerbaijanis were forcibly displaced from their lands (800,000 from occupied districts of Azerbaijan and 250,000 from Armenia),” Consul General Nasimi Aghayev said last year.

“In 2020, Azerbaijan liberated its territories from Armenia’s illegal and United Nations-condemned occupation. During the war, Armenia bombed our major cities, using even the widely banned cluster munitions (as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International also confirmed), as a result of which 101 Azerbaijani civilians, including 12 infants and children, were killed, 423 civilians were wounded and 80,000 displaced.”

Krekorian’s motion was seconded by council members Bob Blumenfield, Nithya Raman, Monica Rodriguez, John Lee and Hugo-Soto Martinez.

Under the motion, the City Council directed its Department of Transportation to erect permanent ceremonial signs to identify the intersection of Wilshire Boulevard and Granville as Republic of Artsakh Square.