Eurovision 2023 semi-final 2 results: Who got through last night and the full list of song contest finalists

iNews, UK
By Jaymi McCann

Now that the semi-finals are over the grand finale of Eurovision is almost here – and we know who will be starring in it.

This year’s song contest is taking place in the UK instead of in last year’s winner Ukraine, due to the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

And Mae Muller, the British entry, will be hoping to emulate the success of Sam Ryder, whose second place in 2022 reversed a series of poor showings.

The remaining 10 finalists from the second semi-final on Thursday evening are:

  • Armenia | Brunette – Future Lover
  • Estonia | Alika – Bridges
  • Belgium | Gustaph – Because of You
  • Cyprus | Andrew Lambrou – Break A Broken Heart
  • Poland | Blanka – Solo
  • Slovenia | Joker Out – Carpe Diem
  • Austria | Teya & Salena – Who The Hell Is Edgar?
  • Albania | Albina & Familja Kelmendi – Duje
  • Lithuania | Monika Linkytė – Stay
  • Australia | Voyager – Promise

The final is on Saturday 13 May at 8pm, following semi-finals on Tuesday and Thursday.

As always, it will be broadcast live on BBC One and BBC iPlayer, with four hours of coverage coming to an end at midnight.

It will be hosted by singer and Britain’s Got Talent judge Alesha Dixon, Ted Lasso actress Hannah Waddingham, and Ukrainian singer Sanina, as well as returning favourite Graham Norton. This year, the BBC chat show host will alternate on commentary duties with the actress Mel Giedroyc.

Scott Mills and Rylan will be providing additional commentary on BBC Radio 2.

Sam Ryder, last year’s Eurovision hero, will performing during the final. Other who will sing include Eurovision 2022 winner Kalush Orchestra, who will perform their powerful new track “Voices of a New Generation”, followed by their winning song “Stefania”.

Afterwards, several Ukrainian performers will sing during a Flag Parade:

  • Go_A (Ukraine 2020 and 2021)
  • Jamala (Ukraine 2016)
  • Verka Serduchka (Ukraine 2007)
  • Tina Karol (Ukraine 2006)

According to the official Eurovision website, fans can expect “a new twist on their Eurovision entries weaved with British classics”.

The BBC has also brought together six iconic past Eurovision acts: Italy’s Mahmood, Israel’s Netta, Iceland’s Daði Freyr, Sweden’s Cornelia Jakobs, Duncan Laurence from the Netherland – and Liverpool’s very own Sonia, celebrating 30 years since she came second at Eurovision in 1993.

In total, 26 countries will take part, out of a total of 37 entrants.

The UK, along with France, Germany, Italy and Spain – the “Big Five” – automatically qualify for the Grand Final due to making the biggest financial contribution towards the organisation of the event. Ukraine, last year’s winner, also qualifies automatically, and there are 20 countries from the two semi-finals.

The running order is:

  • 1. 🇦🇹 Austria | Teya & Salena – Who The Hell Is Edgar?
  • 2. 🇵🇹 Portugal | Mimicat – Ai Coração
  • 3. 🇨🇭 Switzerland | Remo Forrer – Watergun
  • 4. 🇵🇱 Poland | Blanka – Solo
  • 5. 🇷🇸 Serbia | Luke Black – Samo Mi Se Spava
  • 6. 🇫🇷 France: La Zarra – Évidemment
  • 7. 🇨🇾 Cyprus | Andrew Lambrou – Break A Broken Heart
  • 8. 🇪🇸 Spain: Blanca Paloma – Eaea
  • 9. 🇸🇪 Sweden | Loreen – Tattoo
  • 10. 🇦🇱 Albania | Albina & Familja Kelmendi – Duje
  • 11. 🇮🇹 Italy: Marco Mengoni – Due Vite
  • 12. 🇪🇪 Estonia | Alika – Bridges
  • 13. 🇫🇮 Finland | Käärijä – Cha Cha Cha
  • 14. 🇨🇿 Czechia | Vesna – My Sister’s Crown
  • 15. 🇦🇺 Australia | Voyager – Promise
  • 16. 🇧🇪 Belgium | Gustaph – Because Of You
  • 17.  🇦🇲 Armenia | Brunette – Future Lover
  • 18. 🇲🇩 Moldova | Pasha Parfeni – Soarele şi Luna
  • 19. 🇺🇦 Ukraine: TVORCHI – Heart of Steel
  • 20. 🇳🇴 Norway | Alessandra – Queen of Kings
  • 21. 🇩🇪 Germany: Lord of the Lost – Blood & Glitter
  • 22. 🇱🇹 Lithuania | Monika Linkytė – Stay
  • 23. 🇮🇱 Israel | Noa Kirel – Unicorn
  • 24. 🇸🇮 Slovenia | Joker Out – Carpe Diem
  • 25. 🇭🇷 Croatia | Let 3 – Mama ŠČ!
  • 26. 🇬🇧 United Kingdom: Mae Muller – I Wrote A Song

Armenia-Azerbaijan clashes threaten to derail peace talks

Armenia and Azerbaijan on Thursday (11 May) blamed each other for a deadly exchange of fire along their border, which threatened to derail momentum to resolve a long-running dispute days ahead of EU-led peace talks.

The United States and rival Russia both urged restraint between the Caucasus neighbours after the clash that left one person dead and injured four, the latest flare-up in a decades-long dispute over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Armenia initially said four of its soldiers had been wounded by incoming fire in an eastern region of the ex-Soviet country.

“Azerbaijani forces are shooting artillery and mortars at Armenian positions in the Sotk region,” Armenia’s defence ministry said.

The Sotk region in Eastern Armenia is known for its gold mines.

Sotk is in Armenia proper, and is at some distance from the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh. Armenia is member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a Russia-led lose defense pact, according to which Moscow should come to the rescue of a member whose territory is under attack.

Baku accused Armenia of a “provocation” that had left one of its soldiers dead.

It said Armenian troops had “once again violated the ceasefire agreement” with “large-calibre weapons”, referring to an accord from November 2020 that ended six weeks of hostilities.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev have been scheduled to meet Sunday in Brussels for talks led by European Council President Charles Michel.

The leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan will hold talks in Brussels on Sunday (14 May), the European Union said, amid efforts to reach a peace deal over their three-decade territorial dispute.

The rival leaders had also agreed to jointly meet the leaders of France and Germany on the sidelines of a European summit in Moldova on 1 June, according to the EU.

Pashinyan on Thursday accused Azerbaijan of looking to “undermine the talks” in Brussels.

“I have not changed my mind about going to Brussels,” he said in a statement, but warned there was “very little” chance of signing a peace deal with Azerbaijan at the meeting.

A draft agreement “is still at a very preliminary stage and it is too early to speak of an eventual signature”, Pashinyan said.

The EU-led diplomacy comes after US Secretary of State Antony Blinken brought the Azerbaijani and Armenian foreign ministers to Washington for negotiations in early May.

State Department spokesman Vedant Patel said the two countries should embrace in Brussels a proposal by Blinken that would distance forces along the border.

“This kind of violence, we believe — it undermines the progress made by Armenia and Azerbaijan toward a durable and dignified peace,” Patel told reporters in Washington.

“We believe that there continues to be a durable path forward. We believe that there is a peaceful solution to this,” Patel said.

The West has stepped up mediation as the clout of Russia, historically the major powerbroker between the former Soviet republics, wanes due to its invasion of Ukraine.

In Moscow, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said: “We expect a restrained approach from the parties and urge them not to take any actions that could lead to an increase in tensions.”

Armenia has traditionally relied on Russia as its ally and security guarantor, but Yerevan has grown increasingly frustrated with Moscow.

It has accused Russia of failing to fulfill its peacekeeping role when Azerbaijani activists blocked the Lachin corridor, the only land link to Armenia.

The two countries have gone to war twice over disputed territories, mainly Nagorno-Karabakh, a majority-Armenian region inside Azerbaijan, which has close ties with Turkey.

Tens of thousands of people have been killed in the two wars over the region.

The first war lasted six years, until 1994. The second, fought in 2020, ended in a Russia-negotiated ceasefire.

Under that ceasefire, Azerbaijan is required to guarantee safe passage on the Lachin corridor, which is patrolled by Russian peacekeepers.

Azerbaijan said on Sunday (23 April) it had established a checkpoint on the only land route to the contested region of Nagorno-Karabakh, a step that was followed by claims of border shootings by both Azeri and Armenian forces.

In a new escalation at the end of end April, Azerbaijan said it had built a checkpoint on the corridor following “threats and provocations” from Armenia.

Armenia denounced the move as a ceasefire violation and said the claims were a “far-fetched and baseless pretext”.

(Edited by Georgi Gotev)

https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/armenia-azerbaijan-clashes-threaten-to-derail-peace-talks/

Applying International Environmental Law Conventions in Occupied Territory: The Azerbaijan v. Armenia Case under the Bern Convention

Introduction 

On 18 January 2023, Azerbaijan announced that it had launched against Armenia an inter-state case under the dispute settlement provision in the 1979 Convention on the Conservation of European Wildlife and Natural Habitats (Bern Convention).  Azerbaijan notified the Bern Convention Secretariat of the dispute by letter on 27 March 2023, stating that negotiations would have failed to resolve it and that the dispute had been submitted to arbitration. This is another episode in a fiery exchanges of legal proceedings between the two states, in particular in relation to the contested area of Nagorno-Karabakh. At the time this post is written, there is a pending case brought by Azerbaijan against Armenia before the International Court of Justice (ICJ), a pending case brought by Armenia against Azerbaijan before the same Court,  a number of inter-state proceedings before the European Court of Human Rights, and, most recently, an arbitration initiated by Azerbaijan under the Energy Charter Treaty.

Azerbaijan’s Bern Convention initiative has reached mainstream media not only because it is a new chapter in the legal battle on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict (which has sparked several international law commentaries over the years), but because it pertains to environmental damage in armed conflict. According to its January 2023 press release, Azerbaijan seeks an order that Armenia cease all ongoing violations of the Bern Convention, and pay full reparation for environmental destruction in the formerly occupied territories. This is the first time that the inter-state dispute settlement provision under the Bern Convention has been invoked.  This blog post analyses the relevance of this case in relation to the applicability of multilateral environmental agreements in occupied territory. Using the lack of explicit rules on the protection of the environment in occupied territory as a starting point, we will explore whether environmental treaties such as the Bern Convention are applicable to occupied territory, and their potential to enhance the protection of the environment in occupied areas. We will also discuss under which conditions the specific inter-state mechanisms under the Bern Convention can be activated.

The Law of Occupation and the Environment 

The area of Nagorno-Karabakh has been under Armenian occupation between 1994 and 2020 (see e.g. RULAC). The rules governing occupied territory (so-called law of occupation) are customary in nature and are mainly codified by the 1907 Hague Regulations (HR), the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention (GCIV), and the 1977 First Additional Protocol (API). In contrast to the law on the conduct of the hostilities, which offers some protection to the environment (see e.g. Articles 35(3) and 55 API), the law of occupation contains no explicit reference to the protection of the environment.

The limited protection offered by the law of occupation to the environment is limited and indirect. For instance, under Article 43 HR, the occupying power must take ‘all the measures in his power to restore, and ensure, as far as possible, public order and civil life, while respecting, unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country.’ There is a mutual relationship between the occupant’s responsibility under the first part of Article 43 to maintain public order and civil life on the one hand, and the protection of the environment in the occupied territory. The more the environment is protected, the more civil life of the local population is guaranteed. Moreover, the duty to respect ‘unless absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country’ prior to the occupation encompasses the duty to respect the local environmental legislation.

Moreover, indirect protection of the environment under the law of occupation can be provided through the rules on property and objects indispensable to the survival of civilians. The rules on both public and private property in the law of occupation focus on the illegality of aspects of the occupying power’s conduct such as unjustified destruction and pillage of property in the occupied territory, as recently affirmed by the 2023 French Military Manual (section 4.4.2.5). For example, Articles 46(2) and 55 HR, Article 53 GCIV, and Article 54 API can be applied to those elements of the environment that are private or public property. For instance, in 2005, the ICJ has recognised the responsibility of Uganda for the illegal exploitation of some components of the natural environment in occupied DRC in light of the applicable rules of the law of occupation on property (paras 219 and 245); later in 2022, the Court awarded to DRC reparations for damage to flora and fauna caused by Uganda in the occupied region of Ituri (paras 328-363).

However, not all the components of the environment are either public or private property. In part to adopt a more comprehensive approach to the protection of the environment in armed conflict, since 2013, the ILC has been working on codifying the rules on the protection of the environment in relation to armed conflicts, with significant attention devoted to occupied territories.

The Applicability of the Bern Convention in Occupied Territory

Although scholars have debated for decades whether international environmental treaties apply to armed conflict and occupied territories (see e.g. Bothe et als; Dam-de Jong; Sjostedt; Longobardo; Dienelt), no international court or tribunal has provided an answer to whether these conventions apply to occupied territory (Abegón Novella, section IV.III). Accordingly, if the proceedings launched by Azerbaijan against Armenia result in an arbitral award on the merits, this would be an important precedent with potentially significant repercussions in this field.

Although in the Nuclear Weapons opinion, the ICJ avoided the question affirming that ‘the issue is not whether the treaties relating to the protection of the environment are or are not applicable during an armed conflict, but rather whether the obligations stemming from these treaties were intended to be obligations of total restraint during military conflict’ (para 30), the International Law Commission (ILC) has confirmed that the existence of an armed conflict does not suspend or terminate the application of a treaty (Article 3 2011 Draft articles on the effects of armed conflicts on treaties). Rather, the ILC considered that ‘treaties relating to the international protection of the environment’ are among those treaties whose ‘subject-matter … involves an implication that they continue in operation’ (ibid, Article 7 and Annex, g).

The analysis of whether the Bern Convention applies to occupied territory can be performed taking into account the twofold test devised to assess whether international human rights law conventions are applicable to occupied territory (see e.g. Ben-Naftali and Shany; Vité; Lubell; Gutiérrez Castillo): first, it is necessary to explore whether a certain convention is applicable to situations of armed conflict given that occupations are situations of armed conflict; and second, one has to explore if the convention applies extraterritorially, the occupied territory being located outside the sovereign territory of the occupying power. The analogy with the applicability of international human rights law conventions is logical: the legal issues at hand are similar (i.e., the applicability of peacetime conventions in armed conflict outside the territory of a state). Moreover, international human rights law is relevant per se to the protection of the environment in occupied territory e.g. in the field of the right to health (see Hulme).

The Bern Convention does not include any provision regarding its application to situations of armed conflict and occupation, nor does it address its extraterritorial scope of application. However, that does not mean the Convention is not applicable to situations of occupation. The applicability of the Bern Convention to occupied territory can be compared to the applicability of the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which, similarly, does not contain any clause on its application in armed conflict and on its extraterritorial scope. In 2004, the ICJ affirmed in its Wall opinion that the ICESCR is applicable to occupied territory (para 112). There is no reason why such an approach should not be employed by the arbitral tribunal created under the Bern Convention in relation to the application of the Bern Convention to Nagorno-Karabakh: nothing in the Bern Convention excludes its applicability during armed conflict and denying its applicability to situations of extraterritorial jurisdiction (i.e., occupations) would frustrate the object and purpose of the Convention itself. In this vein, in relation to the 1971 Ramsar Convention, the Conference of the Contracting Parties in 2022 confirmed that its obligations are applicable to Ukrainian territory under Russia occupation.

In light of the above, we consider that the Bern Convention is applicable to the occupation of the Nagorno-Karabakh, along with international humanitarian law. Accordingly, there is no reason that the arbitral tribunal should decline to hear the case because of the inapplicability of the Bern Convention.

Procedural Issues under the Bern Convention

The arbitral proceedings have been commenced by Azerbaijan under Article 18 of the Bern Convention. This provision refers first to the role of the Convention’s Standing Committee in facilitating a friendly settlement of any difficulty to which the execution of the convention may give rise. Where a dispute between contracting parties cannot be settled through the endeavours of the Standing Committee or by negotiation, then Article 18 provides for arbitration at the request of one of the parties to the dispute.  It is not uncommon for multilateral environmental agreements to provide for arbitration of disputes concerning the interpretation or application of their provisions, either at the request of one party to the dispute or with the agreement of both parties. In such instances, the agreement often incorporates  a set of arbitration provisions, while providing for the tribunal to determine its own rules of procedure (see for example, Convention on Biological Diversity, Annex II; OSPAR Convention, Article 32). Article 18 of the Bern Convention does not contain a full set of arbitration rules. It sets out the rules governing the appointment of arbitrators, and the tribunal is then to draw up its own rules of procedure. Each party to the dispute should designate one arbitrator, and the two party-appointed arbitrators should appoint a third.

Article 18 contains a default appointment procedure, so that the arbitral tribunal can be constituted even if one of the parties does not designate an arbitrator. This could be a time-consuming process. If a party fails to designate an arbitrator within three months of the request for arbitration, the other party may request the President of the European Court of Human Rights to designate an arbitrator within the next three months. The same procedure applies if, within three months of their designation, the two designated arbitrators cannot agree on the choice of the third arbitrator.  If Armenia rejects Azerbaijan’s complaints and objects to them being formulated in the terms of compliance with the Bern Convention, one might anticipate a lengthy process for the constitution of the arbitral tribunal, and, in due course, objections to jurisdiction and admissibility.

Besides the applicability of the Convention to the dispute, a further jurisdictional hurdle might be whether prior recourse to negotiation or to the friendly settlement role of the Convention’s Standing Committee constitutes a prerequisite to commencement of arbitral proceedings under Article 18 (in ICJ, see Georgia v Russian Federation and Ukraine v Russian Federation, and see Nakajima).

Should the arbitral tribunal be established, there are plenty of examples of inter-state arbitration rules upon which the tribunal might draw, including those established by other MEAs, and the optional rules published by the Permanent Court of Arbitration, which include specific rules for arbitrating disputes between states, and rules for arbitrating disputes relating to natural resources and the environment. Any use and adaptation of such rules would generally be made in consultation with the parties to the dispute.  Given the nature of Azerbaijan’s claims, rules relating to scientific evidence and the possible appointment of experts in respect of the identification, attribution and assessment of environmental damage are likely be of particular importance. Such issues have proved challenging for international courts in recent cases involving compensation for damage to the environment, including in the context of armed conflict (on assessment of compensation, see for example, Certain Activities (Costa Rica v Nicaragua) and Armed Activities (DRC v Uganda)and see Desierto, Bendel). Further, arbitration rules relating to the failure of a party to appear or make submissions in the proceedings may also be of significance.

Under Article 18 of the Bern Convention, decisions of the tribunal may be taken by majority vote, and the arbitral award is final and binding. Parties are to bear the expenses of their designated arbitrator, and share the expenses of the third arbitrator and other costs entailed by the arbitration. The designation of the registry and provisions for the administration for the arbitration are also not addressed in Article 18. The Permanent Court of Arbitration has been selected as the registry for most inter-state arbitral proceedings in recent years, but it may also be that this role could be fulfilled within the Council of Europe institutions.

Conclusions

This post has explored the potential for the pending arbitral proceedings between Azerbaijan and Armenia under the Bern Convention to offer an authoritative clarification on whether multilateral environmental treaties conventions apply in occupied territory. We argued that this is possible. Accordingly, the outcomes of these proceedings should be closely monitored since they offer the possibility to finally conclude that international environmental law complements the law of occupation in relation to the protection of the environment in occupied territory.

The dispute also has implications for the evolution of the Council of Europe’s approach to environmental protection in armed conflict. In early 2023, the Parliamentary Assembly adopted a resolution and a recommendation, which  propose, among others, consideration of further measures under the Bern Convention and/or under a separate regional legal instrument on the protection of the environmentally during armed conflicts.

Armenia reports new border clashes with Azerbaijan forces

At least two Armenian forces have been wounded after Baku used drones in the direction of Sotk, according to Yerevan.

Renewed border clashes have erupted between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces, according to Yerevan, a day after deadly fighting threatened to derail European Union-led weekend peace talks between the Caucasus arch-foes.

Baku and Yerevan are locked in a decades-long territorial dispute over Azerbaijan’s Armenian-populated region of Nagorno-Karabakh, over which they have fought two wars.

On Friday morning, “Azerbaijani Armed Forces violated the ceasefire in the direction of Sotk (eastern part of the state border) using UAVs”, the defence ministry in Yerevan said in a statement.

It said “two servicemen of the Armenian armed forces were wounded”, and one of them is in a critical condition.

Border clashes on Thursday left an Azerbaijani serviceman dead and four Armenian troops injured.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev are scheduled to meet on Sunday in Brussels for talks led by European Council President Charles Michel.

The rival leaders had also agreed to jointly meet the leaders of France and Germany on the sidelines of a European summit in Moldova on June 1, according to the EU.

Pashinyan on Thursday accused Azerbaijan of looking to “undermine the talks” in Brussels.

He warned there was “very little” chance of signing a peace deal with Azerbaijan at the meeting.

A draft agreement “is still at a very preliminary stage and it is too early to speak of an eventual signature”, Pashinyan said.

The EU-led diplomacy comes after US Secretary of State Antony Blinken brought the Azerbaijani and Armenian foreign ministers to Washington for negotiations in early May.

The West has stepped up mediation as the clout of Russia, historically the key powerbroker between the former Soviet republics, wanes due to its invasion of Ukraine.

Armenia, which has traditionally relied on Russia as its security guarantor, has grown increasingly frustrated with Moscow.

It has accused Russia of having failed to fulfil its peacekeeping role when Azerbaijani activists blocked Karabakh’s only land link to Armenia.

The two countries went to war in 2020 and in the 1990s over disputed territories, mainly Nagorno-Karabakh.

Tens of thousands of people have been killed in the two wars over the region.

https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/12/armenia-reports-fresh-border-clashes-with-azerbaijan-forces

RFE/RL Armenian Report – 05/12/2023

                                        Friday, 


Armenian Journalist’s Assets Frozen After Corruption Report

        • Naira Bulghadarian

Armenia - Former Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Avinian attends a session of 
Yerevan's municipal assembly, September 23, 2022.


A court in Yerevan has frozen assets of an Armenian newspaper and one of its 
journalists who has accused a leading political ally of Prime Minister Nikol 
Pashinian of illicit enrichment.

In a video report posted on the 168 Zham newspaper’s website this month, the 
journalist, Davit Sargsian, described Yerevan’s Deputy Mayor Tigran Avinian as a 
“nouveau riche” whose family has been “steadily getting richer” ever since 
Pashinian came to power in 2018. It detailed the family’s allegedly extensive 
business interests developed in the last five years.

The reported claimed, in particular, that Avinian’s mother bought an expensive 
apartment in central Yerevan before becoming recently a co-owner of two firms 
and a 9-hectare plot of land in southern Armavir province.

Avinian, who will be the ruling Civil Contract’s candidate in upcoming mayoral 
elections in the Armenian capital, took the newspaper to court. He is seeking an 
unprecedentedly hefty compensation for the “slanderous” report which he claims 
damaged his “business reputation.”

Acting on Avinian’s demand, the court decided earlier this week to freeze 18 
million drams ($46,000) worth of assets belonging to 168 Zham and Sargsian 
personally pending its verdict in the case. The sum is huge by Armenian media 
standards.

Avinian, who also served as Armenia’s deputy prime minister from 2018-2021, 
defended the legal action when he spoke to reporters on Thursday.

“I can only advise media outlets to bear in mind before slandering anyone, lying 
about anyone that they can face such proceedings,” he said. “But I am otherwise 
not an enemy of the media.”

The 34-year-old politician did not specify which parts of the 5-minute video 
authored by Sargsian and posted on 168.am are untrue.

“Avinian’s real aim is to inflict significant material damage on me and thereby 
silence me,” Sargsian countered in a Facebook post.

The journalist, who is highly critical of the Armenian government, insisted that 
he simply shared with viewers credible information that was earlier reported by 
other media outlets and not refuted by Avinian.

Press freedom groups also criticized the lawsuit, saying that no Armenian media 
outlets or journalists have risked such heavy fines before.

“We are seeing a typical case of an official trying to muzzle and punish a media 
outlet,” said Shushan Doydoyan of the Yerevan-based Center for Freedom of 
Information. She noted that Avinian did not demand that the paper retract its 
corruption claims before he filed the lawsuit.

Armenia - A screenshot from an Aravot.am report on expensive property 
acquisitions by senior Armenian officials, March 15, 2023.

Pro-opposition and independent publications increasingly accuse members of 
Pashinian’s entourage of enriching themselves or their cronies and breaking 
their anti-corruption promises given during the 2018 “velvet revolution.”

Last month, hackers hijacked the YouTube channel of another newspaper, Aravot, 
as it was about to publish a video report detailing expensive property 
acquisitions by several senior government officials and pro-government lawmakers.

Earlier this year, Pashinian blamed such reports for a drop in Armenia’s 
position in an annual corruption survey conducted by Transparency International. 
He publicly urged senior officials to sue media outlets “falsely” accusing them 
of illicit enrichment.

In 2021, the Armenian parliament controlled by Pashinian’s party tripled maximum 
legal fines set for defamation.




Yerevan Vague On Azeri Control Of Karabakh

        • Astghik Bedevian

U.S. - U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken hosts talks between the Armenian 
and Azerbaijani foreign ministers, Arlington, May 1, 2023.


The Armenian government on Friday pointedly declined to clarify whether it is 
ready to explicitly recognize Azerbaijani sovereignty over Nagorno-Karabakh as a 
result of ongoing peace talks with Baku.

In April 2022, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian signaled readiness to “lower the 
bar” on Karabakh’s status acceptable to Armenia and also stopped asserting the 
Karabakh Armenians’ right to self-determination in his public statements.

Pashinian made clear last month that his administration unequivocally recognizes 
Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity and is ready to sign an Armenian-Azerbaijani 
peace treaty that would commit the two South Caucasus states to recognizing each 
other’s Soviet-era borders.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev demanded, meanwhile, that Armenia go farther 
and officially declare that “Karabakh is Azerbaijan.”

Pashinian said last week that Baku is now not ready to even grant Karabakh an 
autonomous status.

Responding to questions sent by RFE/RL’s Armenian Service, Armenia’s Foreign 
Ministry did not say whether this means Yerevan has already agreed to the 
restoration of Azerbaijani control over Karabakh. It said only that Yerevan 
continues to insist on “discussion between Baku and Stepanakert on the rights 
and security guarantees of Nagorno-Karabakh’s population.”

Nagorno-Karabakh - Protesters hold a giant Armenian flag as they attend a rally 
in Stepanakert, December 25, 2022.

“Addressing the issues of the Nagorno-Karabakh people’s rights and security is 
very important for establishing a lasting peace and stability in the region,” 
the ministry said in a written reply. It did not specify whether Pashinian’s 
government believes this can be done under Azerbaijani rule.

Pashinian has publicly encouraged Karabakh’s leaders to negotiate with 
Azerbaijan while accusing Baku of planning to commit genocide in the 
Armenian-populated region.

The authorities in Stepanakert as well as the Armenian opposition have 
repeatedly denounced Pashinian’s public pronouncements on the conflict with 
Azerbaijan. In a joint statement issued on April 19, the five political groups 
represented in the Karabakh parliament again accused him of undermining the 
Karabakh Armenians’ right to self-determination which was for decades supported 
by international mediators.

The Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers made what the U.S. State 
Department described as “tangible progress” towards the bilateral peace deal 
during marathon talks held outside Washington last week. Aliyev and Pashinian 
are expected to try to build on that progress when they meet in Brussels this 
Sunday.




U.S. Calls For Armenian-Azeri Troop Disengagement


U.S. -- State Department spokesman Vedant Patel speaks during a daily press 
briefing in Washington, September 6, 2022.


The United States has called on Armenia and Azerbaijan to withdraw their troops 
from the Armenian-Azerbaijani border after fresh fighting between them.

A U.S. State Department spokesman, Vedant Patel, said late on Thursday that the 
violence “undermines the progress made” by the two sides during recent peace 
talks, notably last week’s meetings between their foreign ministers held outside 
Washington.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev 
are scheduled meet to Brussels this Sunday in a bid to build on that progress.

“We call on the leaders of both of these countries that when they convene in 
Brussels on [May] 14th to a – that these two parties agree to distance their 
forces along the border, as discussed by Secretary [of State Antony] Blinken 
during their participation of these negotiations that we hosted here in 
Washington, D.C., at the beginning of May,” Patel told a news briefing.

Pashinian accused Baku of trying to derail the peace process shortly after the 
fighting involving artillery fire erupted near the Armenian border village of 
Sotk on Thursday morning, leaving one Azerbaijani soldier dead and four Armenian 
servicemen wounded.

Each side accused the other of shelling its military positions in the 
mountainous area. The intensity of the clashes decreased in the following hours, 
and no major truce violations were reported on the night from Thursday to Friday.

The Defense Ministry in Yerevan said that two more Armenian soldiers were 
wounded on Friday morning in an Azerbaijani drone attack on their position 
outside Sotk. It said that the situation at that section of the volatile border 
was “relatively stable” in the immediate aftermath of the incident.

The Armenian government has consistently advocated the idea of troop 
disengagement, also backed by the European Union, for the last two years. Baku 
does not support it.


Reposted on ANN/Armenian News with permission from RFE/RL
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Armenia, Azerbaijan accuse each other of fresh crossborder attacks, days ahead of EU talks

Armenia and Azerbaijan on Thursday blamed each other for an exchange of fire along their restive border, which killed one person and wounded four, days ahead of EU-hosted peace talks.

The leaders of the two countries are due to hold talks in Brussels on Saturday as part of a push to resolve the three-decade territorial dispute between the two neighbours in the Caucasus. 

The European Union-hosted meeting comes after the United States said "tangible progress" had been made at talks between foreign ministers in Washington last week aimed at ending the dispute over the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. But on Thursday, both sides accused each other of shooting along their border.

"A soldier from the Azerbaijani army was killed after a provocation from the Armenian forces," Azerbaijan's defence ministry said, accusing Armenia of having "once again violated the ceasefire agreement" with "large-calibre weapons". Armenia said four of its soldiers were wounded in the clashes, which it blamed on Azerbaijan.

"Azerbaijani forces are shooting artillery and mortars at Armenian position in the Sotk region" in the east, Armenia's defence ministry said.

The incident comes just days before European Council President Charles Michel is to host Armenia's Nikol Pashinyan and Azerbaijan's Ilham Aliyev for talks in Brussels.

The two leaders had also agreed to jointly meet the leaders of France and Germany on the sidelines of a European summit in Moldova on June 1, according to the EU.

Pashinyan on Thursday accused Azerbaijan of looking to "undermine the talks" in Brussels but added that he was still willing to attend. "I have not changed my mind about going to Brussels," the Armenia premier told his government.

He added however that there was "very little" chance of signing a peace deal with Azerbaijan at the meeting. The draft agreement "is still at a very preliminary stage and it is too early to speak of an eventual signature", Pashinyan said.

Majority-Christian Armenia and Azerbaijan, whose population is mostly Muslim, were both republics of the Soviet Union that gained independence in 1991, when the USSR broke up.

They have gone to war twice over disputed territories, mainly Nagorno-Karabakh, a majority-Armenian region inside Azerbaijan.

Tens of thousands of people have been killed in the two wars over the region, one lasting six years and ending in 1994, and the second in 2020, which ended in a Russia-negotiated ceasefire deal.

But clashes have broken out regularly since then. The Western mediation efforts to resolve the conflict come as major regional power Russia has struggled to maintain its decisive influence, due to the fallout from its war on Ukraine. 

(AFP)

https://www.france24.com/en/europe/20230511-armenia-azerbaijan-accuse-each-other-of-fresh-crossborder-attacks-days-ahead-of-eu-talks

Kremlin urges restraint over Armenia-Azerbaijan clashes

DIPLOMACY

"We expect a restrained approach from the parties and urge them not to take any actions that could lead to an increase in tensions," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters

The Kremlin on Thursday urged Armenia and Azerbaijan to ease tensions along their restive border after an exchange of fire left at least one dead.

"We expect a restrained approach from the parties and urge them not to take any actions that could lead to an increase in tensions. We will continue contacts with Baku and Yerevan," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters during a briefing.

On Armenia’s hot border with Azerbaijan: the ghost of an invasion and the resistance of a wounded people

by Mary Ortiz 

Noravank Monastery blends into the red rocks on the heights of Armenia. Azerbaijan is nearby, lurking. The priest of one of the temples in the complex turns his back to the altar and stands in front of a group of visitors, some of whom are faithful. One of them brings a message of peace in the face of growing conflict over the territory of Nagorno Karabagh. The priest stands still, raises his arm and replies vehemently: “We will not let them take our land away from us. Fight. We are not kneeling.”

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Noravank is located on the road that connects the capital Yerevan with one of the hottest spots in the South Caucasus: the corridor that connects Armenia with Nagorno Karabakh, a territory inhabited by about 120,000 Armenians that has remained within the borders of Azerbaijan since Josef Stalin decided to cede the territory to the Azeris.

sinuous. at a distance. hidden. The border is trapped between mountains that seem to drown out the noise of war So hot That can be activated at any time.

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On Thursday, both countries accused each other of initiating a firefight at the border that left at least one Azerbaijani soldier dead and four Armenians wounded.

In 2020, countries clashed in arms for 44 days. Azerbaijani military superiority made itself felt. Armenia lost around 5,000 troops and over 70% of the Artsakh region. Currently, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinián denounces before the international community that Baku is violating one of the points of the peace agreement signed between the two countries after that war: the obligation to ensure free movement along the road that connects Armenia with Nagorno.


On the way to the Lachin corridor, they begin to see each other austere trenches alternated with Armenian checkpoints. They report that Azerbaijani soldiers entered their territory in April. The clashes resulted in eight deaths: four on each side. Between trenches and trenches, small altars of dead soldiers appear by the side of the road with their photo in uniform and the Armenian flag.

clarion traveled to the point closer to the corridor. The checkpoint that Azerbaijan set up on April 3 to block the border is no longer accessible. Armenian military forces say they cannot guarantee the safety of people attempting to cross it. Only a few Red Cross ambulances and United Nations vans are allowed to circulate.

even along the way Russian patent parade military trucks. The soldiers stop to rest along the way. They smoke and speak little.

“The situation is very complicated,” admits one of them, the youngest of the group. And he goes further: “The responsibility lies with the three presidents”. Indicates the presidents of Armenia, Pashinián, and of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev. But also to the Putin government, which should guarantee compliance with the peace agreement signed in 2020. None of that happens. Russia looks to Ukraine in war mode.

in conversation with clarion and other international media, the Deputy Foreign Minister of Armenia, Paruyr Hovhannisyan, complains that Russia is too “cautious” and “is not fulfilling its obligations”. “For them, relations with Turkey are more important, as well as with Azerbaijan, and this is also related to the gas and oil they export through Azerbaijan,” she complains.

Even in this border area the labor monitors of the European Union. They observe, take pictures, talk to people. They move between Yerevan and Stepanakert. They assure that “for now” the situation is calm. None of them will stay too long in the place.

On the other side of the mountains, more than two thousand meters high, they report it the population of Nagorno Karabakh is experiencing a situation of siege. They must have access to vouchers for increasingly scarce food rations; medicines are no longer enough and basic services are cut.

Azat Gevorkyan and his wife Anaik are pictured before leaving their home in Lachin, Nagorno-Karabakh, the last district to return to Azerbaijani control after the war. Photo: Valery Melnikov:/ World Press

The harsh Caucasus winter went through it without gas replenishment. This territory, which has its own Parliament, officials and uses the same currency as Armenia, it is not recognized as autonomous from any country in the world and today is surrounded by them.

“The possibility of an escalation of violence is very high”, warns the vice-rector. But the fear runs deeper: “Azerbaijan intends to go as far as possible. Aliyev always claims that the territory of present Armenia is West Azerbaijan. In accordance with this aggressive program, It is not only Nagorno-Karabakh, it is also the territory of Armenia”.

He Supreme Patriarch of Armenians, Karekin IIalso spoke to clarion and other media about the delicate situation at the border. “Periodically the Azrebaijan army penetrates our territory and tries to conquer more towns and cities. The euphoria that gave him the victory in 2020 he encouraged them”, he assures.

This is the border area where the blocked Lachin corridor crosses.

“I think the purpose is very clear: leave Artsakh without Armenians, provoke a new genocide”warns Karekin II and alludes to the great ghost that hovers in the history of this nation: the massacre of a million Armenians between 1915 and 1923 at the hands of the young Turks.

The silence of the people takes possession of this city in southeast Armenia. Goris is only 30 kilometers away from the Lachin Corridor and is the closest city to the border. There is a military base at the entrance to the city. Contemplative or vigilant, everyone is waiting for something to happen.

Southern Armenians live mainly from agriculture. Here they say that in this region the inhabitants are tough and that’s why they live longer. There has not been a mass exodus since the last war broke out in 2020. They stayed to protect their homes.

Zuren is 69 years old. He is retired but still works. This morning she left the taxi and is resting in the shade of a tree.

“Before living well, it was a dream. Now the situation is bad. We can no longer visit our family in Nagorno. We have them here, very close, behind the mountain, and we don’t see them. The world must understand that we are a nation with a lot of history. This is our land and they are denying us as a people.”the Mint.

Amidst this swarm of modest buildings with little trace of Soviet heritage is the city’s main square. Seated on a bench is Natalí, a 22-year-old teacher. She smiles a lot and stands out. Armenians laugh little. “What we live is very sad, people don’t know what’s really going on. We don’t live a normal life. – he underlines – People are worried about their children, about their future, but nobody wants to leave here”.

“We are not well we are in a war situation. We tell them we’re not moving from here. We believe they can advance, but we are not afraid,” challenges Vazgen, a 36-year-old opening maker.

to the cities of Goris and Khachardzan are separated by an undulating journey of 300 kilometersbut they are united by the Azerbaijani border fence.

Of the 420 people who live in this docile town in northwestern Armenia, 80% of the men have participated in the war. In the school where they study 65 students stands a kind of altar with photos of two men who died in the last clash. They are your heroes.

The mayor of the city, Gagik Shahnazaryan, is to be reckoned with for his deep blue eyes. He says Khachardzan has soldiers and volunteers at the border, which is only 40 kilometers from this wet and green village. He assures that although “the threat is always there”, they remain “ready to defend” the people.

“In our history We have always been in danger, but we have always overcome it and we will overcome this too.”says the mayor of a city that named its main street Argentina in recognition of the infrastructure contribution of the Armenian diaspora.

The mayor of the village of Khachardzan, Gagik Shahnazaryan.

Khachardzan and Goris are keeping their guard up that this Sunday, when the President of Azerbaijan and the Prime Minister of Armenia finally meet in Brussels, a sign of agreement that makes them -finally- sleep peacefully.

Goris, Armenia. special Correspondent

ap

Source: Clarin

https://newsrebeat.com/world-news/166876.html

Russia Acts As Mediator On Nagorno-Karabakh, Expects Restraint From Parties – Kremlin

Russia acts as a mediator on Nagorno-Karabakh and expects restraint from Armenia and Azerbaijan, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said on Thursday

MOSCOW (UrduPoint News / Sputnik – 11th May, 2023) Russia acts as a mediator on Nagorno-Karabakh and expects restraint from Armenia and Azerbaijan, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said on Thursday.

Moscow's contacts with Yerevan and Baku continue, the official said, recalling that Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks with the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan earlier this week.

"Russia will continue to fulfill its functions (as a mediator), which are provided for in accordance with the tripartite documents. We, of course, expect a restrained approach from the parties and urge not to take any action that could lead to an increase in tension," Peskov told reporters.

https://www.urdupoint.com/en/world/russia-acts-as-mediator-on-nagorno-karabakh-1690063.html

Stand Tall to Hate: Glendale town hall discusses anti-Armenian racism

PASADENA WEEKLY

One hundred and eight years ago, the Ottoman Empire began a campaign of violence that killed or displaced 1.5 million Armenians. The genocide left a scar on Armenia and its people around the world, still felt in the Armenian communities throughout Los Angeles today.

In a recent town hall meeting at Glendale Central Library, the Truth and Accountability League (TAAL) and LA County Commission on Human Relations brought elected officials and community leaders together to discuss a string of recent racist fliers seen in Beverly Hills and Glendale that reportedly called for the extermination of Armenians.

“It’s unfathomable that, on the heels of the Armenian genocide anniversary, Armenians are terrorized by fliers around schools and churches,” said TAAL founder Vic Gerami, who moderated the event dedicated to raising awareness and discussing solutions to combat increasing anti-Armenian racism and propaganda.

“This is really painful because we have kids; we have to explain this to our kids,” Commissioner Sam Kbushyan said during the town hall. “They go to public schools; they engage with all kinds of people. … And this is on social media saying that Armenians should have been erased and the next phase of genocide will be concluded. It really hurts because growing up, we Armenians are victims of the genocide. … We’ve been educated with the non-Armenians and the world of all these atrocities that ‘Never again,’ and we have this issue.”

Glendale Mayor Daniel Brotman spoke of the city’s “checkered past” and summarized a brief history of anti-Armenian rhetoric in the community as more Armenians began to hold political positions and build cultural influence in Glendale, now one of the largest Armenian diaspora communities in the world. 

“There was a lot of pushback,” he said. “There was a lot of the old Glendale that didn’t appreciate having others come in and kind of change the fabric of the community. … But when we look at today’s Glendale, I mean, can you imagine Glendale today without the Armenian community? The Armenian American population is incredibly active politically, in civic organizations, contributes so much to this city. … I don’t want to downplay the tensions that still exist, but despite all that, we are really a highly functional, integrated community.”

Brotman said that the city is “in a good place,” that he didn’t know where the fliers came from and doubted that they came from members of the Glendale community. Gerami responded by saying that where they originated from is “irrelevant,” that anti-Armenian racism still exists in Glendale, and that there is no task force or budget dedicated to combating hate incidents in the city. 

“There are many ways to go at this,” Brotman replied. “We have our Armenian genocide commemorative event every year. … We obviously speak out regularly on these issues, and we pass resolutions. We have sister cities in Artsakh, and we do many, many things to show that we have the backs of our Armenian community here and Armenians around the world.”

The Glendale Police Department has not yet made an arrest regarding the fliers, but the investigation remains ongoing. Glendale Police Chief Manuel Cid said the department is looking to enlist the help of community members who may have information regarding the incident.

“It’s concerning, and it follows a trend of ongoing hate speech and rhetoric that we see in several different communities, in this instance targeting the Armenian community here in Glendale … (with) fliers found, I think, more than a dozen of them, scattered in front of a church and throughout other areas in the city,” Cid said. “Any threat to any group or individual in our community really is a threat to our way of life and our entire community. I think as a police department and as a community, we need to take it as such. 

“We’re going to bring all our resources to bear in investigating any of those sorts of incidents, trying to identify who’s responsible for them, working in collaboration with our partners … to try to identify these individuals that are responsible, establish if we have a crime and, if we do, actively look to prosecute it.”

Joseph F. Iniguez, chief of staff from the LA County District Attorney’s Office, explained that many cases of racism cannot be pursued as a crime, as the First Amendment can protect instances of hate speech from prosecution. When a hate incident motivates property damage, physical harm or death, it can then be classed as a hate crime. Despite this distinction, Iniguez said that both events cause immense harm to the victims and wider community.

“When there’s a hate incident, there’s a tremendous impact in the community and on individuals that are impacted by that hate incident, the same way that a hate crime where there may be property damage or physical injury or even death can also have an impact on the community,” he said. “Our relationships with law enforcement are very strong, and we’re confident that when they bring us these cases, we’re going to give them a fair analysis. But more importantly, we’re going to provide victims with services because that’s the biggest component to start the survivor’s healing journey, even if we can’t prosecute a case.”

The need for collaboration was also raised by Robin S. Toma, executive director of the LA County Commission on Human Relations, who stressed the importance of connecting victims with available resources like LA vs. Hate, an online reporting tool.

“I’m sure all of you have seen (anti-racist) statements for a long time,” Toma said. “Just putting a message out there perhaps is not going to change the way we’ve been operating. It’s important, but it’s not enough.

“There’re so many different acts of hate that happen that are completely unknown and unreported, except for people experiencing them. … There are things that we can’t turn to the police and the prosecutors to take action on because it’s just simply not a crime, and that’s where their ability really ends.”

Systems like LA vs. Hate were created so that people can report incidents of hate and not only receive resources like trauma counseling but also take action.

“This is something where you can pursue your civil rights under our state laws, under our federal laws,” Toma said. “Say it happens at a school and you don’t know whether the school’s really taking it seriously. … We’re going to help you work with the school to make sure that they are taking the strongest action as possible, that they know the options they have and the resources they have to take it seriously.”

Cid added that education can be crucial to preventing hate incidents from occurring in the future while also making people aware of resources like LA vs. Hate if they are a victim of racism.

“There’re so many parts of our communities, particularly our immigrant communities, that don’t understand the resources that are available to them,” he said. “The collaboration with our school district can’t be understated. And to be able to educate our youth, let them know and their families know the resources that are available to them is something that this police department takes great lengths in doing. (We) pride ourselves on it, and we’ll keep working at it because by no means have we attained where we’re trying to be, but there’s a great deal of effort that’s being put forth from this organization and this community.”

Nearly 40% of Glendale’s population belongs to the Armenian community. The city has become an important home for Armenian people and their cultural heritage, and both elected leaders and community members alike have expressed their commitment to ending Armenian hate in Glendale.

“It’s not just caring about your own group that’s targeted, but recognizing that we stand for one another when it happens” Toma said. “This won’t change unless we realize that it matters.”

https://www.pasadenaweekly.com/news/stand-tall-to-hate-glendale-town-hall-discusses-anti-armenian-racism/article_b86d93ec-ef61-11ed-9c71-0fdfc94eef56.html