11:27, 9 May 2023
YEREVAN, MAY 9, ARMENPRESS. President of Nagorno Karabakh/Artsakh Arayik Harutyunyan visited the Stepanakert Memorial on May 9 to honor the fallen troops.
Harutyunyan, together with government officials and military commanders, ‘paid tribute to the memory of the martyred heroes of the Great Patriotic War and the wars for our homeland's freedom,’ the Nagorno Karabakh president’s office said in a press release.
20:35, 8 May 2023
YEREVAN, MAY 8, ARMENPRESS. On May 8, Deputy Foreign Ministers of Armenia Vahe Gevorgyan and Vahan Kostanyan received Sergey Kopirkin, the Russian Ambassador to the Republic of Armenia, ARMENPRESS was informed from the MFA Armenia.
The interlocutors exchanged thoughts about the latest developments in the normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
The Deputy Foreign Ministers once again presented the positions of the Armenian side regarding the fundamental issues within the framework of the normalization of relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Referring to the ongoing blockade of the Lachin Corridor in violation of the November 9, 2020 trilateral declaration and the humanitarian crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh, the need for active steps by partners interested in the stability of the South Caucasus was reaffirmed.
20:56, 8 May 2023
YEREVAN, MAY 8, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan arrived in Moscow on a working visit at the invitation of Russian President Vladimir Putin. At "Vnukovo-2" airport, the Prime Minister was met by the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, Mikhail Galuzin, ARMENPRESS was informed from the Office of the Prime Minister.
The Prime Minister will attend the events dedicated to the victory in the Great Patriotic War to be held on May 9.
21:31, 8 May 2023
YEREVAN, MAY 8, ARMENPRESS. The Foreign Ministry of Artsakh issued a statement regarding the imminent environmental disaster provoked by Azerbaijan. As ARMENPRESS was informed from MFA Artsakh, the statement reads as follows,
“For almost five months now, the Republic of Artsakh has been under siege, accompanied by an unlawful transport and energy blockade, as one of the main instruments of the ethnic cleansing policy consistently and systematically pursued by Azerbaijan at the state level. As part of this policy, the Azerbaijani authorities are trying not only to create unbearable socio-economic conditions, but also artificially provoke an environmental disaster and undermine the foundations of sustainable development of Artsakh.
In particular, Azerbaijan is still preventing the repair of the damaged Aghavno-Berdzor section of the only high-voltage power line running from Armenia to Artsakh. To deepen the energy crisis, Azerbaijan has also regularly disrupted the supply of natural gas from Armenia to Artsakh. It has been two months since the last cut off. As a result, the hydroelectric power plant on the Sarsang reservoir became the only means to mitigate the energy crisis, however, the continued Azerbaijani policy of siege and energy blockade resulted in the release of an unprecedented amount of water from the reservoir to generate the electricity needed for the besieged population of Artsakh during the cold winter period.
The authorities of Artsakh have repeatedly drawn the attention of the international community to the fact that the continued deliberate obstruction by Azerbaijan of natural gas and electricity supply from Armenia to Artsakh will lead to disastrous consequences, in particular for the Sarsang reservoir, which is the largest and most critically important source of freshwater in Artsakh. Shallowing of the Sarsang reservoir will have serious environmental consequences for the entire ecosystem of the region, and will deprive the population of both Artsakh and some regions of Azerbaijan of water resources necessary for normal life activity.
By creating prerequisites for the shallowing of the Sarsang reservoir and provoking an environmental disaster, the Azerbaijani authorities are pursuing several goals, including creating unbearable living conditions in Artsakh and preparing the ground for accusations of unscrupulous use of water resources as a pretext for new military provocations.
We emphasise again that due to the ongoing unlawful and aggressive actions of Azerbaijan, the humanitarian situation in the Republic of Artsakh and the overall military-political situation in the region are rapidly deteriorating. In the current extremely dangerous situation, we consider it absolutely necessary to ensure strict compliance with the provisions of the Trilateral Statement of 9 November 2020, as well as the immediate and resolute intervention of the international community and, first of all, the UN Security Council, to prevent the continuation of massive and systematic violations of human rights in Artsakh and to stop the criminal plans and genocidal intentions of Azerbaijan”.
DEARBORN, Mich. — The Armenian community of Greater Detroit commemorated the 108th anniversary of the Armenian genocide on April 22nd, 2023 at Edsel Ford High School.
Haigan Tcholakian opened the program by welcoming community members and invited Homenetmen of Detroit scouts to present the flags and sing the US and Armenian national anthems. In her opening remarks, Tcholakian stressed the importance of the day and the need to continue demanding justice to prevent future genocides.
Haigan Tcholakian
Alex Kurkechian delivered a message on behalf of the AYF Detroit “Kopernik Tandourjian” Chapter, highlighting the many programs of the youth organization which aims to foster the dedication of the youth to their nation and the ultimate goal of seeing a free, united and independent Armenia.
Alex Kurkechian
Armenian National Committee (ANC) of Michigan chair Dzovinar Hamakorzian presented the work of the local chapter, which received nine proclamations from the cities of Detroit, Farmington Hills, Livonia, Hazel Park, Southfield, Sterling Heights, Warren, Birmingham and West Bloomfield to mark April 24th as Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day and end the cycle of genocide against the Armenians. Governor Gretchen Whitmer also issued a proclamation, stating that “the failure to learn from the past allows history to repeat itself as the world saw during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabagh war” and that “Azerbaijan’s ethnic cleansing campaign continues to this day against the 120,000 Armenians of Nagorno-Karabagh through suppression of their freedom of movement and fundamental rights of life and liberty.” Hamakorzian also thanked the libraries of Farmington Hills and Livonia for having special displays dedicated to the Armenian Genocide during the month of April. She concluded her remarks with a call to unite and take action to stop the imminent threat of genocide in Artsakh.
Dzovinar Hamakorzian
The program’s first speaker was ANCA communications director Elizabeth Chouldjian, who drew a parallel between the actions that led to the 1915 genocide and today. She explained how Krikor Zohrab had a “friendship” with Talaat Pasha, but that did not stop the Turkish tyrant to order the death of his friend. She stressed how the situation is painfully similar today, but we have the benefit of history. She said we can draw on these lessons and prevent a second genocide against the Armenians of Artsakh. Time is not on our side, she underscored; we need to act now.
Elizabeth Chouldjian
ARF Azadamard Gomideh chair Sebouh Hamakorzian called on all countries to enforce sanctions on Baku and Ankara and demand that they stop persecuting Armenians for their pan-Turkic objectives.
Sebouh Hamakorzian
The second speaker of the event was ARF Central Committee member and genealogist George Aghjayan, who shared his experience discovering Western Armenia and lost Armenians through DNA matches. He stressed the importance of finding that part of our history that is not as explored as others. He shared pictures of family members that he found in Western Armenia and their desire to reconnect with a community that they thought was long gone. He concluded his remarks by asking attendees not to overlook that forgotten community in Western Armenia as they are also an integral part of our nation and history.
George Aghjayan
Congresswoman Haley Stevens shared her sentiments of solidarity and thanked the community for allowing her to learn about the Armenian nation and the struggles they are still trying to overcome for more than 100 years. She assured her constituents that she will fight for them in Congress and be the voice of the Armenian American community.
Congresswoman Haley Stevens
The program concluded with performances by Hamazkayin Armenian Educational & Cultural Society of Detroit’s dance group.
The Lachin Corridor has been blockaded by Azerbaijan since Dec. 12, 2022
BY GERARD KHATCHADOURIAN
In 1789, the ancien regime in France was toppled by mobs driven by the aspiration of establishing a more just and egalitarian society. The French Revolution promised universal liberty and equality, abolished royal titles and sought to radically transform society. But the fledgling republic soon found itself in an existential struggle against an alliance of Europe’s monarchies. These entrenched monarchies, fearful of the rapid spread of revolutionary ideology and apprehensive of similar uprisings among their own citizens, launched aggressive wars in a bid to suppress the ideas of the revolution.
Similar events can be observed in Russia in 1917. When a Bolshevik coup toppled the 300-year-old Romanov dynasty, Russia’s former allies landed troops to aid the White Russians loyal to the Tsar and stop the communist revolution. They were partially driven by fear of more “red revolutions” sweeping across the continent. This historic phenomenon can be observed time and time again. Revolutionary states are inherently destabilizing, and increase security concerns with rival states. The shake up of the status quo and balance of power leads to a higher propensity of open hostility with neighbors[1].
Indeed it is no coincidence that after Armenia experienced its own democratic revolution in 2018, Ilham Aliyev, Azerbaijan’s longtime autocratic ruler, launched a war of aggression in the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. Meanwhile, Russia, led by its own entrenched elites and Armenia’s nominal ally sat on the sidelines and watched Armenia’s revolution flounder. Like the regimes in Europe in 1789 and 1917, these autocratic states had a vested interest in seeing the ideas of a revolution fail.
There is some debate about whether the 2018 protest movement constitutes a revolution. While some argue it was a “coup from the streets,” or a simple change of power, the technical criteria does not change the fact that Armenia’s new leaders were perceived by Azerbaijan’s and Russia’s ruling elites as destabilizing revolutionaries and a threat to their own governments.
Both these regimes feared that the revolution directly challenged their forms of government. Vladimir Putin sees burgeoning democracies in Russia’s sphere of influence as a threat to his regime. Europe is replete with examples of Putin funding anti-democratic forces. Notably, after Georgia’s Rose Revolution in 2003, Putin sought to undermine Mikheil Saakashvili’s government by invading Georgia in 2008. Similarly, Putin saw Ukraine’s Orange Revolution as a direct challenge to his power and Russian forces invaded Ukraine in 2014 and 2022 in an effort to install a Russia friendly government on its border[2]. While Putin did not intervene on behalf of Serzh Sargysan, Russia’s elites were suspicious of Nikol Pashinyan’s intentions and his rapprochement with the West[3].
The revolution in Armenia also brought fears of democratic contagion to Azerbaijan’s ruling elite. Azerbaijan had similar concerns in 2011 when protests inspired by the Arab Spring erupted in Baku[4]. Hundreds were arrested amid a wider crackdown on civil society. With Georgia experiencing the Rose Revolution in 2003 and Armenia having its revolution in 2018, Azerbaijan’s elites feared they would be the last domino to fall in the Caucasus. Aliyev went as far as to ask Pashinyan directly from refraining from talking about the revolution in Armenia, out of fear of the revolution spreading to Azerbaijan[5].
The opposition in Azerbaijan frequently compared themselves to Armenia and were “jealous” of the outcome of the revolution, with a famous opposition journalist asking “Why is victory always on their side?”[6]. Aliyev feared that ordinary Azeris would want to emulate such an uprising to install a more democratic regime. Shortly after Sargsyan stepped down, Azerbaijan’s parliament took up a bill that would strengthen already-harsh penalties against illegal assemblies[7]. Aliyev feared that his own citizens would participate in uprisings and protests similar to those in 2011 and that would be fatal to his regime. From his perspective, it was essential that Pashinyan’s revolution be perceived as a failure.
Many revolutionary elites are poorly prepared for running a government[8]. They attempt to build a new regime by excluding experienced members of the existing government and replacing them with inexperienced members friendly with the revolution. They also take time to consolidate support amongst essential actors and fear a counterrevolution and the return of the old regime. In order to consolidate his revolution with average citizens, Pashinyan developed hawkish stances on Artsakh, publicly sparring with Aliyev on stage at the Munich Security Conference, and proclaiming, “Artsakh is Armenia” in Stepanakert. His public repudiation of the Madrid Principles, while popular at home, put further pressure on Aliyev to act. Pashinyan also chose a hawkish defense minister who proclaimed “new wars for new lands” as a direct threat to seize more territory from Azerbaijan[9]. These hawkish stances in effect took up one of the Sargysan administrations sources of legitimacy. Pashinyan essentially defanged the threat of counterrevolution in the name of protecting Artsakh by taking up the mantle of an Artsakh hawk. While this permanently damaged the negotiation process and increased chances of an armed conformation with Azerbaijan, it also helped Pashinyan consolidate support for his government by creating a “rally around the flag” effect.
Pashinyan also exaggerated the foreign threat to this revolution to further rally internal support. He took measures that further exacerbated the spiral of suspicion with Russia. He publicly challenged Russia by arresting the then head of the CSTO Yuri Khatchaturov and investigated Russian railroad companies. He also arrested Robert Kocharyan, a Putin ally, setting a dangerous example of a former head of state being arrested by a new regime, something unprecedented in the Russian sphere. Armenia also damaged relations by changing its United Nations votes to be a more critical of Russia[10]. Pashinyan also removed experienced members of the old regime from the bureaucracy, hurting the chances of Armenia and Russia understanding each other and seriously damaging relations. Experienced members of the old regime that stayed on such as President Armen Sargsyan had a strained relationship with Pashinyan.
Russia expressed its dissatisfaction with Pashinyan’s government multiple times. Putin did not visit Armenia until 2019 despite his frequent visits during the Sargysan administration,[11] and Putin made a point to wish his jailed ally Robert Kocharyan a happy birthday[12]. During the 2020 war, when Russia refused to provide the help Armenia needed, Pashinyan even offered to resign his government in exchange for more military aid, in essence acknowledging that his government’s rocky relationship with Russia may be the reason for the lack of support.
Time was working both for and against the new Armenian government. Once power is consolidated, post-revolutionary states see a significant increase in defense capabilities[13]. They also tend to see a rapid rise in economic performance and an increase in prosperity for average citizens[14]. Aliyev knew that he had a short window to strike, before Pashinyan was able to consolidate his revolution and gain an advantage over Azerbaijan. Because of the disorder that followed the revolution internally in Armenia and with regard to relations with Russia, Azerbaijan decided that it was time to strike and strangle the revolution in the crib before it demonstrated success.
Armenian and Azeri soldiers engaged in a skirmish in July 2020[15]. Evidence suggests that Armenian troops took over abandoned Azeri positions and escalated the conflict by killing an Azeri general with a drone. As a response, a crowd of Azeris in Baku stormed the parliament building in protest, demanding that Aliyev take action against Armenia. This further heightened pressure on Aliyev to solve his Pashinyan problem. Aliyev who plays the role of a classic post-Soviet strongman also feared to be seen as the weaker party vis-a-vis Pashinyan.
Azerbaijan sought to delegitimize the Pashinyan government by launching a limited aims war that saw unexpected success. In September 2020, Azerbaijan attacked the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region. The early days of the war saw a stalemate on the frontlines but Azeri troops were soon able to exploit a breakthrough in the south. During the war, Aliyev sought to personally embarrass Pashinyan and his government, claiming that the Armenian government “overestimated its global role.” In addresses to his country, Aliyev personally challenged Pashinyan, proclaiming “Ne odlu Pashinyan?” (what happened Pashinyan?) and calling Pashinyan “a stupid drunken clown.” Commentators noted that the attacks were of a personal nature, something notably absent during the Sargysan years.
Some argue that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict had reached an inflection point. The decades long dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan was never resolved and some say war was inevitable. However, it is worth noting that the front was relatively quiet since the 1994 ceasefire with only smaller skirmishes taking place in April 2016 and full-blown war never breaking out. War erupted only 2 years into Pashinyan’s government. Perhaps due to inexperience, Pashinyan’s government badly miscalculated its own capabilities and the ability for Azerbaijan to gain territory[16].
The 2020 Karabakh War can be seen as a direct consequence of Armenia’s 2018 revolution. The revolution led to a change in government and a shift in Armenia’s political landscape, with the rise of inexperienced leaders to the helm. Azerbaijan’s autocratic ruler, Ilham Aliyev, and Russia’s entrenched elites were both wary of the democratic contagion that might spread to their own countries. They viewed Pashinyan’s government as a threat to their own forms of government, saw its weakness and isolation and sought to strangle it.
Gerard Khatchadourian is a political analyst in Washington, D.C.
[1] Walt, S. M. (n.d.). Revolution and War.
[2] Person, R., & McFaul, M. (2022, April). What Putin Fears Most. Journal of Democracy.
[3] Smith-Park, L. (2018, May 2). CNN.
[4] Klomegah, K. (2011, April 12). Arab Spring knocks at Azerbaijan’s door. Al-Jazeera.
[5] It was not me who turned to Aliyev, but he turned to me with a request. Pashinyan uncovers some details. First Channel News. (2020, September 28). https://www.1lurer.am/en/2020/09/28/It-was-not-me-who-turned-to-Aliyev-but-he-turned-to-me-with-a-request-Pashinyan-uncovers-some-detai/321061
[6] Manukyan, S. (2018, May 8). Reactions to Pashinyan’s Premiership. The Armenian Weekly.
[7] Adilgizi, L. (2018, April 27). Azerbaijan watches Armenian rebellion with jealousy and hope. Eurasianet. Retrieved from https://eurasianet.org/azerbaijan-watches-armenian-rebellion-with-jealousy-and-hope
[8] Walt, S. M. (n.d.). Revolution and War.
[9] Cornell, S. (2020, November 14). How Did Armenia So Badly Miscalculate Its War with Azerbaijan? The National Interest.
[10] Mejlumyan, A. (2019a, June 5). In nod to Georgia, Armenia changes UN vote. Eurasianet. https://eurasianet.org/in-nod-to-georgia-armenia-changes-un-vote
[11] Mejlumyan, A. (2019, October 2). In Armenia, Eurasian Union meets Velvet Revolution. Eurasianet. Retrieved from https://eurasianet.org/in-armenia-eurasian-union-meets-velvet-revolution
[12] Putin wishes friend, ex-president of Armenia Kocharyan happy birthday . JAM News. (2020, January 9). Retrieved from https://jam-news.net/putin-wishes-happy-birthday-ex-president-armenia-robert-kocharyan/
[13] Carter, J., Bernhard, M., & Palmer, G. (2012). Social Revolution, the State, and War: How Revolutions Affect War-Making Capacity and Interstate War Outcomes. The Journal of Conflict Resolution.
[14] Acemoglu, D. (2014, May 20). Does democracy boost economic growth? World Economic Forum. Retrieved from https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2014/05/democracy-boost-economic-growth/
[15] Stronski, P. (n.d.). Behind the Flare-Up Along Armenia-Azerbaijan Border. Carnigie Endowment for International Peace.
[16] Cornell, S. (2020, November 14). How Did Armenia So Badly Miscalculate Its War with Azerbaijan? The National Interest.
Azerbaijan on Monday said progress in the normalization process with Armenia "fell short of expectations" in terms of “drafting a peace treaty, the delimitation of the state border and the restoration of transport and communication.”
“We call upon the Armenian side to demonstrate goodwill and invest more efforts in the normalization talks in all dimensions,” Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov told a press conference with his Lithuanian counterpart Gabrielius Landsbergis in Vilnius, Lithuania’s capital.
“We believe that the best way forward goes through the normalization of relations between the two countries based on mutual recognition and respect for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,” he added.
Relations between the two former Soviet republics have been tense since 1991 when Armenian military occupied Nagorno-Karabakh, a territory internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, and seven adjacent regions.
Most of the territory was liberated by Baku during a war in the fall of 2020, which ended after a Russian-brokered peace agreement and also opened the door to normalization.
Bayramov said he and Landsbergis discussed bilateral relations, which are “based on solid foundations and high-level political dialogue.”
“The joint declaration on the development of partnership signed between the presidents of the two countries in 2007 reflects the strategic nature of our cooperation,” he added.
Bayramov said he and his Lithuanian counterpart discussed political, economic and humanitarian aspects of bilateral cooperation and the current situation in the region.
He called the EU as Azerbaijan’s main trading partner, saying that they also explored ways to deepen transit and economic cooperation, the importance of which has increased “due to the situation in the broader region.”
For his part, Landsbergis said his meeting with Bayramov also touched upon matters of regional security such as Ukraine and the South Caucasus.
https://www.yenisafak.com/en/news/azerbaijan-says-progress-in-normalization-with-armenia-falls-short-of-expectations-3664115
Representatives of the Tufenkian Foundation and Artsakh Agriculture Ministry signing an agreement on the distribution of 154 tons of seeds in Artsakh
New Program to Distribute Over 150 Tons of Seeds to Villagers
The Tufenkian Foundation subsidized the distribution of 154 tons of seeds for essential crops so that they can be distributed free of charge to all of Artsakh’s villagers, per an agreement signed with the Artsakh Agriculture Ministry’s Village and Agriculture Support Foundation. This effort is part of a wider plan that Tufenkian and the Agriculture Ministry are jointly undertaking to help Artsakh become more self-sufficient.
The seeds were imported prior to the illegal establishment of a checkpoint at the entrance to the corridor between Armenia and Artsakh in late April by the Azeri regime. Working in coordination with the VASF, seeds for buckwheat, peas, lentils, and flax are being distributed free of charge to villagers throughout Artsakh with less than four acres of land. Seeds for alfalfa and sainfoin, which are plants used for animal fodder, are also being distributed for free.
“This is a very important step by the Tufenkian Foundation to help alleviate the challenges we are facing in agriculture,” said VASF Executive Director Valery Ghazaryan. “Of course, this is not the first time Tufenkian has come up with such programs in Artsakh. They also have contributed to the development of socio-economic, educational, cultural and other programs,” he continued.
The need to increase Artsakh’s food production capacity has been heightened by the ongoing blockade by Azerbaijan of the only road connecting Artsakh to the outside world. The blockade has been underway for more than five months, causing severe shortages of food, medicine, fuel, and other essential items. Because of the fuel shortage the Agriculture Ministry, together with the Askeran, Martakert, and Martuni regional administrations and local village authorities, have had to distribute the seeds to the villagers.
“Amidst the ongoing crisis, we will continue to work in partnership with Artsakh’s government and villagers to help ensure much-needed food security,” said Greg Bedian, Tufenkian’s Director of Operations. “We are proud to have generous supporters whose unwavering commitment to Artsakh help make impactful programs such as these possible,” he concluded.
Earlier in April, the Tufenkian Foundation provided 90 tons of seed potatoes to villagers in the Martuni region of Artsakh in partnership with the Armenian Missionary Association of America and the Armenian Tree Project. The Tufenkian Foundation is continuing its work with the Artsakh Agriculture Ministry to develop other initiatives to enhance Artsakh’s food security and self-sufficiency.
“It is essential that we all stand with the people of Artsakh at this critical time and provide them with the assistance they need to withstand the many serious challenges placed before them,” said Bedian. “As important as our material assistance may be, the moral support and encouragement provided by these efforts are of equal importance,” he concluded.
Established in 1999, the Tufenkian Foundation addresses the most pressing social, economic, cultural, and environmental challenges facing Armenia and Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabagh). Since its inception, the Tufenkian Foundation has supported various community initiatives as well as civic activism and public advocacy campaigns to help improve life in Armenia, while providing housing, education, social, health, and livelihood support for the Armenians of Artsakh.
Azerbaijan announced on Monday that the progress in the normalization process with Armenia is "fell short of expectations". Azerbaijan's expectations included "drafting a peace treaty, the delimitation of the state border and the restoration of transport and communication".
According to Anadolu, Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Ceyhun Bayramov held a press conference with his counterpart, Gabrielius Landsbergis, in Vinius, the capital of Lithuania. Making a statement after the meeting, Bayramov said, “We call upon the Armenian side to demonstrate goodwill and invest more efforts in the normalization talks in all dimensions.”
Bayramov said he and Landsbergis discussed bilateral relations, which are “based on solid foundations and high-level political dialogue.”
“The joint declaration on the development of partnership signed between the presidents of the two countries in 2007 reflects the strategic nature of our cooperation,” he added.
Bayramov described the EU as Azerbaijan's main trading partner. He said that they are also exploring ways to consolidate transit and economic cooperation, which is of increasing importance.
Landsbergis, on the other hand, said that they especially touched upon the security problems in Ukraine and the South Caucasus.
Relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan are tense due to Armenia's refusal to accept that Nagorno Karabakh is a part of the Azerbaijani army and its occupation since 1991.
Most of the territory was liberated by Baku during a war in the fall of 2020, which ended after a Russian-brokered peace agreement and also opened the door to normalization.
Source: Anadolu Agency