130 days and counting: A responsibility to end the blockade of the Lachin Corridor

EJIL! TALK
May 2 2023

Severe shortages in food and medical supplies are increasingly imposing great hardship on Nagorno-Karabakh’s 120,000 ethnic Armenian residents, with provisions depleting quickly and no alleviation anticipated so far. The question that arises is whether a responsibility to end the (current form of) protests and hence alleviate the situation may be uncovered.

The Lachin Corridor – the sole land route connecting the Nagorno-Karabakh region to Armenia and the outside world – has been inaccessible to all civilian and commercial traffic for more than four months now, after having been blockaded by Azerbaijani protesters, allegedly backed by the state’s government. Since 12 December 2022, several dozen Azerbaijani protesters, claiming to be concerned with mining activities in the region, have set up tents along the road and have kept the corridor blocked around the clock, with serious humanitarian consequences for the local population (see here and here). Indeed, the protesters’ blockade has impaired and continues to impair access to vital food sources, medical supplies, and services indispensable for survival of the ethnic Armenian residents of Nagorno-Karabakh (see para 54 of the 22 February 2023 Order of the ICJ in Armenia v Azerbaijan). To this end, it may be argued that the enjoyment of human rights of these people – including, but not limited to, the rights to food and to health, has been and continues to be (severely) restricted.

The right to food, as recognized in article 11 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), provides that food must be available, accessible, and adequate (see here, here and here). This entails, among others, that food supplies should be available in the region of Nagorno-Karabakh; that physical access to food supplies must be guaranteed to all people, including those in remote areas or in situations of armed conflict (depending on the legal assessment of the blockade); and that the food must satisfy dietary needs ‘taking into account the individual’s age, living conditions, health, occupation, sex, etc.’ (here).

The right to health, as stipulated in article 12 of the ICESCR, provides in a similar line of thought that health services, goods and facilities must be available, accessible, acceptable and of good quality (see here and here). Applied here, it means that health services, goods and facilities must be available in sufficient quantity within the region of Nagorno-Karabakh; that they must be physically accessible (e.g. not be restricted to only specific people); that they should be medically and culturally acceptable, including being gender-sensitive (e.g. taking into account maternity needs); and, that they must be of good quality, requiring, among others, unexpired drugs and hospital equipment, adequate sanitation and safe drinking water.

Reports by international NGOs and other organizations (see here, here, here, here, here and here) have highlighted various examples of hardship experienced by Nagorno-Karabakh residents due to the blockade, which in turn suggests that these standards are not being met. Indeed, the blockade has resulted in shortages of basic goods and services for the 120,000 ethnic Armenian residents of Nagorno-Karabakh. Overall, the situation resulting from the blockade of the Lachin Corridor – where medicine and adequate food supplies are lacking and access to health care services and facilities is often deficient, inaccessible or even completely unavailable – indicates a failure to meet the required standards under the ICESCR.

The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which provides the legal basis for the respective rights to food and to health, contains no derogation clause. Instead, the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has confirmed that the Covenant applies at all times, including times of conflict or general emergency. In this line of thought, the progressively realizable rights to food and health apply unrestrictedly to the situation of the blockade under discussion here.

Under the auspices of the Covenant, duty bearers are under the obligations to respect, protect and fulfil the human rights to food and health. Crucial for the case at hand – the obligation to protect encompasses an obligation on behalf of the jurisdictional State to ensure that Nagorno-Karabakh residents’ access to food, other essential goods, medication and health care services or facilities is not denied by third parties (see here and here). In respect to the Lachin Corridor – blockaded by Azerbaijani protesters for the past four months uninterrupted, and resulting in a situation where medicine and adequate food supplies lack and access to health care services and facilities is often deficient or even entirely unavailable – it may be said that Nagorno-Karabakh residents’ right to protection from interference by third parties has been violated.

A responsibility to alleviate the situation?

Azerbaijan – which claims sovereignty over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh and which is the home state of the protesters causing the blockade – ratified the ICESCR on 13 August 1992. As a result, the State has accepted to be bound by the respective ESC state obligations. This includes the obligation to respect, the obligation to protect (discussed above and crucial for the case at hand), and the obligation to fulfil the rights to food and health.

Generally speaking, human rights obligations of States are towards individuals who are on their territory or within their jurisdiction. Territorial control and jurisdiction over the Nagorno-Karabakh region has been and continues to be issue of debate by the parties to the conflict. Nagorno-Karabakh was annexed to the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic as an autonomous region in 1923 and has been home to a predominantly ethnic Armenian population. Lack of clarity on the issue of authority over the region complicates a precise determination as to which state bears primary responsibility over the realization of human rights of Nagorno-Karabakh’s residents. Nevertheless, though authority over Nagorno-Karabakh (whether de jure or de facto) remains an issue of debate, some level of responsibility on behalf of Azerbaijan as to (its ability to alleviate) the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh may be traced, irrespective of this legal determination. In other words, even if it is held that Azerbaijan does not have (effective) control over Nagorno-Karabakh and that without jurisdiction, it is not responsible for the enjoyment of the human rights of Nagorno-Karabakh residents, it is argued here that the State may nevertheless be responsible for failure to provide protection against violations of the population’s human rights by conduct of its citizens.

In the General Comment 14 on the right to health, the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights states that:

‘To comply with their international obligations in relation to article 12, States parties have to respect the enjoyment of the right to health in other countries, and to prevent third parties from violating the right in other countries, if they are able to influence these third parties by way of legal or political means, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and applicable international law.”

A similar approach has been adopted in General Comment 12 on the right to adequate food (see here, para 36). Accordingly, the state obligation to protect extends beyond protection of the enjoyment of human rights of individuals who are under the State’s territorial control or jurisdiction. Instead, it also includes protection of such enjoyment by individuals beyond its authority insofar the State would be able to prevent third parties from interfering with this enjoyment – giving rise to some level of extraterritorial obligation to protect.

Given that the protesters are Azerbaijani civilians, it is submitted that Azerbaijan would be able to prevent them from continuing the blockade of the Corridor, and as such protect the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh against further violations of their human rights by third parties. Accordingly, it may be argued that Azerbaijan is under an obligation to take all measures at its disposal to end (the current form of) the protests by its citizens which have violated and continue to violate the respective rights of the ethnic Armenian residents of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Further, the 2020 Trilateral Statement, signed by the president of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the prime minister of the Republic of Armenia as well as the president of the Russian Federation, stipulates that ‘the Republic of Azerbaijan shall guarantee the safety of citizens, vehicles and goods traveling along the Lachin corridor in both directions’, while ‘the Lachin corridor […] shall remain under the control of the Russian Federation’s peacekeeping contingent’ (see here, here and here). Though pointing to a separation of duties and responsibilities between Azerbaijan and the Russian peacekeepers, the Trilateral Statement demonstrates (acceptance of) an obligation on behalf of the Republic of Azerbaijan to ensure safe passage of persons as well as goods along the Lachin Corridor. It points to the State’s potential of exercising (some level of) control over the Corridor.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ) also seems to point in the direction that the potential of ending the blockade by Azerbaijani nationals lies with the State of Azerbaijan. Without making any statements as to the merits of the case between Armenia and Azerbaijan on breaches of CERD, the Court concluded in its decision as recent as 22 February 2023 that the conditions for the indication of provisional measures were met (see para 58 of the Court’s Order in Armenia v Azerbaijan). It held that there exists a real and imminent risk that irreparable prejudice, created by the disruption in movement along the Lachin Corridor, will be caused before the Court makes a final decision in the case. To avoid such irreparable harm, the International Court of Justice indicated the provisional measure that Azerbaijan must ‘[…] take all measures at its disposal to ensure unimpeded movement of persons, vehicles and cargo along the Lachin Corridor in both directions’ (see para 62 of the Order). As such, the ICJ Order adds further support to the argument that the State of Azerbaijan would be able to influence the protesters to end (the current form of) the protests.

To conclude, the fact that the protests, causing the blockade, have been ongoing uninterruptedly since 12 December 2022, implies that the State of Azerbaijan does not comply with its obligations under the ICESCR, the Trilateral Statement, nor the Order of the ICJ. Put differently, by not taking measures to end the blockade of the Lachin Corridor by Azerbaijani nationals, Azerbaijan is violating, among others, the right to health and the right to food of the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh, and fails to fulfill its obligations under public international law more broadly.

To date, the Lachin Corridor remains closed.

Russia Says ‘No Alternative’ To Its Karabakh Mediation After US Initiative

BARRON'S
May 2 2023


  • FROM AFP NEWS

May 2, 2023



Russia on Tuesday responded to US-hosted peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan this week saying there was "no alternative" to a deal that Moscow signed with the two warring countries in 2020.

"For the moment, there is no other legal basis that would help a resolution. There is no alternative to these trilateral documents," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters.

Initiatives to lower tensions in the region "are possible above all on the basis of the trilateral documents signed with Russia," he said.

The United States this week is hosting negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, seeking to quell recent tension over the disputed enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh.

The two sides have gone to war twice, in 1990 and 2020, leaving tens of thousands dead and clashes regularly erupt over the territory, an Armenian-majority region inside Azerbaijan.

Tensions have spiked again in recent days after Azerbaijan announced it had set up a checkpoint on the Lachin corridor, the only land link between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh, sparking an angry response from Yerevan.

Armenia views the move as a violation of the cease-fire negotiated between the two sides.

Moscow brokered a ceasefire between Yerevan and Baku after the latest bout of fighting in 2020 and posted peacekeepers along the Lachin corridor.

With Russia bogged down in Ukraine and unwilling to strain ties with Azerbaijan's key ally Turkey, the United States and European Union have sought to steer a thaw in ties.

bur/giv

https://www.barrons.com/news/russia-says-no-alternative-to-its-karabakh-mediation-after-us-initiative-1f092777







Azerbaijan Losing Patience with Armenia’s Pashinyan

May 2 2023

The installation of a border crossing point on the Lachin Corridor should not have come as a surprise. Azerbaijan has been strikingly patient for nearly three years waiting for Armenia to sign a post-war peace treaty.

The Lachin road has been de facto sealed from military traffic since environmental protestors established a camp there in December 2022. The protestors continued to allow Russia’s so-called ‘peacekeeping force’ and the IRC (International Red Cross) to travel through the Lachin.

Meanwhile, Armenia has refused to implement articles 3 and 9 of the November 2020 ceasefire agreement.

Article 3 specifies ‘The peacekeeping contingent of the Russian Federation is being deployed in parallel with the withdrawal of the Armenian armed forces.’ Nevertheless, Yerevan still has a large 10,000 contingent (for only 25,000 Karabakh Armenians) of Armenian security forces masquerading as Karabakh ‘self-defence’ forces. In the last three years, Armenia has rotated and re-supplied Armenian and Karabakh forces through the Lachin Corridor with the assistance of Russia’s so-called ‘peacekeeping forces’ using trucks officially transporting humanitarian assistance.

The Russian independent newspaper Novaya Gazeta reported that trucks transporting humanitarian assistance were allowed to travel through the Lachin Corridor after paying ‘several thousand dollars’ in bribes to Russians. Armenian security forces are reportedly travelling in these humanitarian trucks camouflaged as civilians and construction workers. Russia used the same maskirovka when using humanitarian trucks to supply its proxy forces in the so-called ‘Donetsk Peoples Republic’ (DNR) and ‘Luhansk People’s Republics’ (LNR).

In July 2022, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan agreed to withdraw ‘all remaining military units’ from Karabakh by September of that year, itself a recognition that Armenian security forces continued to be illegally based in Karabakh. Unfortunately, Pashinyan has the ‘ability to contradict himself sometimes even in the same sentence’ and he has not fulfilled his promise to withdraw Armenian forces from Karabakh.

Worse still, Armenia has transported into and planted thousands of mines in the Karabakh region that were manufactured in 2021; that is, after the ceasefire agreement was signed. Armenia does not deny the mines were manufactured in 2021 but claims the mines were taken from its own territory.

Article 9 ‘guarantees the safety of transport links between the western regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic in order to organize the unimpeded movement of citizens, vehicles and goods in both directions.’ Armenia has refused to call this a corridor (despite using this term for Lachin) and has not implemented article 9 allowing unimpeded traffic along the Zangezur Corridor between Azerbaijan and Nakichevan. Armenia’s borders are controlled by Russia’s FSB (Federal Security Service) and Pashinyan may be reluctant to allow them to control the Zangezur Corridor.

Pashinyan has dragged out the peace talks with contradictory signals and messages. At times Pashinyan has leaned towards an EU-brokered agreement and at other times he has sided with Russia’s proposal to take the ‘Karabakh question’ off the table until an unspecified future date. Azerbaijan does not support an indefinite postponement of the ‘Karabakh question.’

The Kremlin seeks to postpone an agreement on Karabakh which would mean that Russia’s so-called ‘peacekeepers’ would remain indefinitely in place. In the last three decades the Kremlin has never sought to resolve frozen conflicts in Moldova’s Transdniestria, Georgia’s South Ossetia and Abkhazia and Azerbaijan’s Karabakh. The Kremlin has always viewed its so-called ‘peacekeepers’ as military bases projecting Russian influence into its self-declared exclusive sphere of influence in Eurasia.

Pashinyan has only himself to blame for wasting three years and not signing a peace treaty. He came to power in the 2018 velvet revolution as the first leader to be born in Armenia. His main rivals from the ‘Karabakh clan’, Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan, were discredited by decades of authoritarianism, rigged elections, oligarchs, and corruption.

But instead of adopting a dovish stance towards Azerbaijan, Pashinyan adopted nationalist rhetoric and called ‘Artsakh’ (Karabakh) an Armenian land, claimed Karabakh should be part of Armenia, and rejected earlier peace proposals. Ironically, although Pashinyan had come to power in a democratic revolution and was not a member of the ‘Karabakh clan’, Pashinyan’s hyper nationalist discourse led to the Second Karabakh War in September 2020 and military defeat.

Since the war, Pashinyan has not reigned in his foreign and defence ministries who continue to espouse irredentism towards Azerbaijan. Armenia’s siloviki refuse to acknowledge their defeat in the 2020 war, claim the ceasefire treaty was imposed upon them, do not accept the conflict is resolved and the only question left remaining is minority rights for Armenians in Karabakh, refuse to accept Azerbaijani sovereignty over Karabakh and continue to promote the concept of ‘self-determination’ for Karabakh.

In international law the concept of ‘self-determination applies to states, not territories within states. Four UN resolutions in April (822), July (853), October (874), and November (884) 1993 supported Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity to include Karabakh.  Armenia’s leaders point to Crimea, illegally annexed by Russia in 2014, as the precedent for ‘self-determination’ they wish to use for Karabakh.

Time is running out for Pashinyan.

In November 2025, Azerbaijan is unlikely to renew the five-year mandate for Russian so-called ‘peacekeepers’ as they have not implemented the ceasefire agreement and have directly or indirectly assisted Armenia in maintaining an illegal military presence in Karabakh.  Armenia’s reliance on Russian military support is a strategic miscalculation as the war in Ukraine has shown to what degree Russia is a declining power with a Potemkin military.

Pashinyan therefore has just over two years to negotiate a peace treaty with Azerbaijan. If he does not, he will only have himself to blame when Azerbaijan again, as with the new border post it installed this month on the Lachin road, asserts its sovereignty over Armenian-controlled Karabakh.

 

The views expressed in this article belong to the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect those of Geopoliticalmonitor.com.


Pashinyan, Russia’s Rosatom Head Discuss Construction Of New NPP Unit In Armenia – Office

May 2 2023

 

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan discussed with Russian state nuclear corporation Rosatom head Alexey Likhachev the construction of a new nuclear power plant (NPP) in the country, the Armenian Government said on Tuesday

YEREVAN (UrduPoint News / Sputnik – 02nd May, 2023) Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan discussed with Russian state nuclear corporation Rosatom head Alexey Likhachev the construction of a new nuclear power plant (NPP) in the country, the Armenian Government said on Tuesday.

"The parties discussed current programs and prospects related to new initiatives in the context of bilateral cooperation.

The issue of extending the life of the second power unit of the Armenian NPP was touched upon. An exchange of views took place on the construction of a new nuclear power unit in Armenia, possible cooperation in the field of nuclear medicine," the statement said.

The parties noted the importance of cooperation between the Armenia and Rosatom.

"Likhachev assessed the work with Armenian partners as effective and noted that Rosatom is interested in continuing a mutually beneficial partnership," the statement said.

https://www.urdupoint.com/en/world/pashinyan-russias-rosatom-head-discuss-cons-1685415.html

Relations between Armenia and Turkey, normalization or continuing conflict?

May 2 2023

Expecting complete and immediate normalization between Turkey and Armenia is not realistic. In fact, negotiations require serious efforts to launch the peace process.

Turkey recognized the independence of Armenia in the 1990s. But the diplomatic and economic relations between the two neighbors, sharing a border of 311 km, have been blocked since 1993.

In fact, with the Nagorno-Karabakh war and the occupation of Azerbaijan by Armenia in 1993, Turkey closed its shared land borders. The first attempt at normalization started in 2010 via football diplomacy, then protocols were signed, but deep contradictions and serious challenges between the two belligerents engendered an ultimate rapprochement failure.

The second major attempt to restore bilateral ties took place in the summer of 2021, with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan citing "positive public signals from Turkey."

In fact, special representatives were appointed for the dialogue and the start of normalization talks.

The agreement on the continuation of negotiations without preconditions resulted in four meetings of special representatives, including the meeting of the foreign ministers of Armenia and Turkey in Antalya; the meeting of Erdogan and Pashinyan on the sidelines of the EU summit in October 2022. All these meetings have been important steps in developing the normalization of relations.

In the past months, important developments contributed to accelerating the normalization process. After the earthquake in Turkey, for the first time in 30 years, the Turkish border was opened to allow Armenian humanitarian convoys to enter the country. A delegation led by the Armenian Foreign Minister went to Ankara to “demonstrate support for Turkey”.

In fact, Armenia declared its readiness to improve bilateral cooperation, regulate foreign relations, establish diplomatic ties, and fully open borders. Ankara also relied on the agreement to "accelerate measures to normalize relations". In this context, the process of normalization accelerated due to multiple agreements: direct air traffic, cancellation of the ban on direct air transportation of goods by Turkey in January 2023, and plans to open the border for citizens of third countries in the summer of 2023. Both countries have also jointly agreed to repair the Ani Bridge on the border between Armenia and Turkey.

Yerevan and Ankara have various reasons to reduce divergence and start the process of normalization.

After Ararat Mirzoyan's second visit to Turkey in February 2023 (which was the second visit from March 2022), Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has paid attention to the great opportunity to normalize relations between Armenia and Turkey. This will provide more chances for peace in Nagorno-Karabakh, optimal use of normal potentials, and a great opportunity to strengthen Armenia's economy.

By normalizing relations with Yerevan, Turkey also foresees positive advantages such as reducing pressure from the European Union, the United States Congress, and President Biden… Benefits such as the reopening of transit and regional trade routes are considered to be in Turkey's favor.

Although positive signs emerge, there are also worrying factors that hinder communication between the two parties. Armenia suffered a bitter defeat in the recent major war against the Azerbaijani army supported by Turkey.

After Azerbaijan's victory in Nagorno-Karabakh, Turkey signed the anti-Armenian Shusha declaration with Baku. The agreement addresses coordinated and joint Turkish-Azerbaijani activities in the event of a threat or aggression by a third state or states against the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, internationally recognized borders, or security of both countries. 

The US and Russia have declared their support for the establishment of diplomatic relations between Armenia and Turkey. However, unresolved issues such as the status of Nagorno-Karabakh, the Azerbaijan-Nakhchivan-Turkey corridor project (Zangezur corridor), and the ongoing conflict on the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan, may speed up the normalization process or block definitely all talks between the two parties. On the other hand, nationalists, Armenian opponents, and opposition factions in Armenia are fierce critics of Turkey and express their concerns about the normalization process.

Negative views and divergent narratives regarding the Armenian genocide and the events of 1915 are some of the main obstacles to pursuing normalization.

The Armenian diaspora has a profound economic impact on Armenia.

The Armenian diaspora ( more than 7 million people) doesn’t accept the denial of the Armenian Genocide and continues to exert pressure in order to obtain international recognition of the Armenian Genocide and sovereignty over Western Armenia, and these crucial issues are grant conditions for normalization. 

In a pragmatic and step-by-step approach toward normalization, the Armenian and Turkish governments did not put the Armenian genocide on their negotiation agenda like in 2009. It seems that, unlike the previous round, Azerbaijan is in harmony with Turkey in the field of normalizing relations between Turkey and Armenia.

Also, Yerevan is doing its best to pursue peace talks with Turkey. In fact, avoiding preconditions can promote the normalization process and expand sports games and national football teams, diplomatic relations, and mutual trade. In the meantime, although the result of the upcoming general elections in Turkey will have an impact on normalization, even if the Turkish opposition wins, Baku's role in the normalization process will decrease.

Expecting complete and immediate normalization is not realistic. In fact, negotiations require serious efforts to launch the peace process, such as keeping borders open, increasing the number of crossings and mutual political will, increasing economic, cultural, and social interactions, civil society participation, and stronger international support.

What is clear, however, is that a slow, step-by-step normalization process now has a much better chance than before. The opening of the borders will have a gradual and positive effect on people's relations, reducing historical tensions between Turkey and Armenia.

However, the opening of the borders in the near future is not an all-around reconciliation, and the territorial and historical disputes between the two neighbors remain unsettled. In other words, reopening the embassies and crossings can be reached in the short term, but resolving major issues and removing historical obstacles requires a multi-stage dialogue and medium-term steps.

The opinions mentioned in this article do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Al mayadeen, but rather express the opinion of its writer exclusively.

Government involves over $236,000,000 in loan for North-South project in Syunik

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 15:10, 2 May 2023

YEREVAN, MAY 2, ARMENPRESS. Armenia is involving over $236,000,000 in loan for the construction of the North-South Road Corridor in Syunik Province. The loan will be used for the construction of a 32-kilometer long tunnel and 17 bridges in Kajaran and two tunnels in Meghri and Litchk. 

The bill on ratifying the agreement was presented in parliament on May 2.

The agreement was signed between the government of Armenia and the Eurasian Development Bank.

It is planned to start construction this year.

The bill also seeks to extend the term of the loan agreement until 30 December, 2026 and increase the size of co-financing by 86,6 million dollars, thus the project’s budget will stand at 236 million 681 thousand dollars.

Games of the Future 2024 sports tournament with a $25mln prize pool to be hosted in Russia

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 15:54, 2 May 2023

YEREVAN, MAY 2, ARMENPRESS. On April 29, 2023 Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister and the President of the Republic of Tatarstan, marked the countdown to the opening of next year’s Games of the Future with unveiling of the 300-day countdown timer in the two cities of Moscow and Kazan simultaneously.

The unique 300-day countdown show with elements of virtual reality and exciting online quests was starring famous Russian athletes. With the help of new technologies, spectators together with the guests of the ceremony kicked off the countdown to the Games of the Future.

The grandiose unveiling event was also co-hosted by AI voice assistant Marusya from VK Group, and addressed by the President of Russia Vladimir Putin via a video message, highlighting the importance of the brand-new phygital sports event born in Russia.

 

What are the 2024 Games of the Future?

With a huge prize pool of $25 million, Games of the Future is a large-scale tournament which will be held for the first time ever and will have the status of international competition. The tournament will run for nine days, from February 23 to March 2, 2024 in Kazan and will feature 16 hybrid disciplines. 2,000 athletes from more than 100 countries will take part in Games of the Future.

 

Sports Disciplines

The upcoming international tournament will run a series of 16 hybrid disciplines, set in both physical and cyber worlds. This means that phygital athletes are expected to excel in two dimensions. The new phygital activities are called «challenges»; currently there are five: Sports, Speedrun, Tactical, Technical and Strategic

 

The competition

There will be five types of challenges: The sport challenge, an innovative double-event where athletes first compete in a videogame, then in its physical analogue. The tactical challenge combines several disciplines where a laser tag is coupled with videogames of the genres shooter and Battle Royale. In a combat challenge, athletes must prove their mettle in videogames of the genre MOBA, аnd the winners will meet in a Phygital Super Final. A technical challenge includes two disciplines – drone racing and robot fights. A challenge of game passage consists of two parts: first, the players play speed games and then participate in a Super Final – in the show-game.

 

The Participants

Another novelty of the Games of the Future is its unique approach towards sports — the competition places no restrictions for its participants and welcomes everyone, regardless of their age, gender and nationality.

 

How to join Games of the Future movement now?

In preparation for the Games of the Future, Kazan is hosting Phygital Games – a series of competitions meant to showcase phygital sports. The upcoming events include phygital football in May 15-19, 2023, as well as tactical combat games and phygital hockey competitions in June. Every Phygital Games tournament has its own prize pool. Application forms are available .



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PM Pashinyan holds meeting with Rosatom chief

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 16:29, 2 May 2023

YEREVAN, MAY 2, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan held a meeting on May 2 with Russia’s Rosatom State Nuclear Energy Corporation General Director Alexei Likhachev.

The Prime Minister ‘attached importance to the cooperation between the Government of Armenia and Rosatom Corporation where a number of joint projects are successfully being implemented’, the Prime Minister’s Office said in a readout.

Speaking about partnership in nuclear energy, PM Pashinyan noted the role of Rosatom in the extension of the lifecycle of the second reactor of the Armenian NPP.

Likhachev described working with Armenian partners as “productive” and said that Rosatom is interested to continue the mutually beneficial partnership.

The current projects and prospects of new initiatives were discussed.

The extension of the Armenian NPP 2nd reactor’s lifecycle was discussed.

Pashinyan and Likhachev also exchanged ideas over the construction of a new nuclear power reactor in Armenia, possible partnership in nuclear medicine, as well as the disposal of the hazardous materials in the defunct Nairit Factory.

Deposits growth exceed increase in crediting – cenbank governor

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 16:35, 2 May 2023

YEREVAN, MAY 2, ARMENPRESS. Loans increased 16% and deposits grew “with progressive pace” in 2022, Central Bank Governor Martin Galstyan said at a press conference.

“During the year a growth of activeness was recorded in the crediting market, loans grew around 16%, which is comparable with the pace of the average growth of pre-COVID 19 years. At the same time, in conditions of high economic growth the deposits grew progressively against loans. Meaning, due to the entry of non-resident entities into the Armenian financial market, we have a situation when the growth of deposits has exceeded the growth of loans,” Galstyan said.

The growth in crediting was seen in all directions.

The profitability of the banking system “significantly improved” in 2022, Galstyan added.

He also said that deflation of goods is observed as a result of prices of food products falling globally. This could lead to the inflation in Armenia becoming lower than the projected 4%.