Category: 2023

The view from the top of Cascade, overlooking Yerevan and Mount Ararat (Photo: Varak Ghazarian)

Injustice done to those so close to home. An injustice that has allowed further injustices to persist. Injustices done prior, allowing this injustice to take place. Injustices on the grandest level, affecting millions, forever altering the paths of the future of a people and its land. Altering its course, yet further deepening the injustice, the hatred, the fear. Allowing it to persist endlessly and rather worsen as time passes. 

When will the next injustice take place, and how will we choose to stand against such an injustice? How can we call ourselves humans if we don’t allow our humanistic side to shine? We pride ourselves on being such advanced and evolved beings and that we are so much greater than animals, but we continuously choose to let our animalistic side reign supreme. Fear, flight or fight, territorialism, inability to establish trust, survival instincts. With such animalistic behaviors, we choose to allow our primal instincts to take over and dictate our lives and future and thus never look past our basic instincts.

How can we allow these injustices to take place and simply decide to stand idly by, or even worse, aid such injustice? To be given a demand or to be presented with an uncomfortable situation, we are thought to believe that we had no other choice and that we were simply just doing what we were told to do. However, we always have a choice in life. Even if the choice might be death, we always have a choice. Yet, we as a human race have decided to trudge on and choose the choice which is the easiest for us; obey and stay obedient. To sit idly by or aid killings, destruction, massacres, violence and genocide. 

When will it stop? When will we decide as a whole that enough is enough? To push aside our animalistic approach to life and allow our humanistic side to shine? Simple. When we say, “Enough is enough.” Kill us all if it must be, and you can sit alone on your throne in this world all for yourself. When we rise up to the apparent evil and disallow it from growing. Disallowing it to hit the ground and begin to root itself in the soil we walk on and spread like an infectious disease to everything that neighbors it. We must be like the wind, and uniformly sweep evil away and blow it somewhere far. Somewhere so far that anything of its nature will never be able to implant in the minds of us humans. 

For if we were to change our mindset and perspective toward such evil, we will never allow it to sow its rotten roots in our minds and souls. Rather, we should choose beauty and love to implant into every corner of the world. To entrench its roots deep into this earth through the constant watering and care we display for it. For one day, this beauty will allow us to take our full form as humans. To take the shape we need to take, in order to thrive and become the beings we think we are today. 

I have and will no longer stand idly by. I no longer fear what the choice of going against injustice will bring, because the fear of simply sitting idly by and watching is far greater. To see what the world will come to due to another injustice isn’t worth seeing. For if death may come of it, so be it, because that is the price I will pay to defend what I believe in. The world may be dark and full of terrors because that is what we have allowed to persist through our constant mismanagement of justice. But it is on us to make the switch, to resist, and thus allow our humanistic side to shine.

On April 23, 2023, Azerbaijan established a checkpoint on the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor. This step was a logical culmination of Azerbaijani policy, which started in November 2020, when Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia signed a trilateral declaration to end the second Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh) war. Azerbaijan’s strategy was clear-cut; there was no Artsakh and no conflict. The 2020 war ended Artsakh as a territorial administrative unit and made the Artsakh conflict history. The deployment of Russian peacekeepers was a temporary measure. Armenians living in Artsakh would receive no special status, and Azerbaijan would never agree to any international presence in Artsakh. Armenians in Artsakh have two options: to take Azerbaijani passports or leave their homeland.

To reach its goals toward Artsakh, Azerbaijan imposed control over the corridor connecting Artsakh with Armenia. Azerbaijan consistently took steps to reach that target. The first action was the construction of the new highway from Lisagor, a village in the Shushi region, to Kornidzor. Azerbaijan finished the construction of that road by the end of July 2022 and forced Armenia and the self-proclaimed Artsakh Republic to accept this new route and evacuate Armenians from the city of Berdzor (Lachin) and surrounding villages by September 2022. Azerbaijan de facto changed the status and functioning of the Berdzor Corridor by taking control over Berdzor and forcing Armenians to use the new highway. According to the November 10, 2020 statement, the Berdzor (Lachin) Corridor should be five kilometers wide; Azerbaijani troops were much closer to the new highway.

The next step in Azerbaijan’s strategy was disseminating information that Armenia used the Berdzor Corridor to transport weapons and mines to Artsakh. It was the first step in preparing the ground for closing the road. Then Azerbaijan started to demand the right to monitor the mines in Artsakh. The key for Azerbaijan was the possibility of sending representatives of Azerbaijani state institutions to Artsakh to fulfill the same duties these institutions did in Azerbaijan. This step would send a clear message that Artsakh was Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan used the Artsakh authorities’ decision to prevent the entrance of these representatives into Kashen mine as a pretext to send so-called “eco-activists” to block the Berdzor Corridor near Shushi. Azerbaijan would definitely block the road even if Artsakh authorities allowed monitoring of mines. Baku would find another pretext to close the road. Then Azerbaijan officially demanded the resignation of Artsakh state minister Ruben Vardanyan, calling him a “Russian puppet” and promising to start negotiations with Artsakh after Vardanyan’s removal. However, the first two meetings between Armenians and Azerbaijanis after Vardanyan’s dismissal proved that the only topic Azerbaijan was ready to speak about was the reintegration of the Armenians of Artsakh into Azerbaijan. After organizing an ambush against Artsakh policemen on March 5 and killing three of them, Azerbaijan took control of the alternative mountain passes, which allowed it to reach Lisagor from Stepanakert circumventing “eco-activists.” Establishing the checkpoint at the beginning of the new road of the Berdzor Corridor was the culmination of an Azerbaijani well-designed and consistent strategy to effectively cut Armenia off from Artsakh and force Armenians either to leave or to accept Azerbaijani jurisdiction. Simultaneously, Azerbaijan clearly stated that it would never accept any international presence in Artsakh after the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers either in November 2025 or later.

Meanwhile, as Azerbaijan realized its clearly defined strategy to strangle Artsakh, Armenia’s actions were much less consistent and coherent. In July 2022, Armenia stated that Azerbaijan’s demands to evacuate Berdzor and surrounding villages and accept the new Berdzor Corridor route from the Armenian border to Lisagor were illegal. However, as Azerbaijan launched limited military attacks on August 1 and 3, 2022, Armenia accepted and implemented the Azerbaijani ultimatum. The September 2022 Azerbaijani aggression against Armenia complicated the peace talks; less than a month after the aggression, Armenia signed a Prague statement on October 6, 2022, recognizing Azerbaijani territorial integrity in accordance with the 1991 Alma-Ata declaration. There were attempts in Armenia, mainly by the expert community, to argue that on December 21, 1991, when the Alma-Ata declaration was signed, Artsakh was not part of Azerbaijan because it declared its independence in September 1991 and organized a referendum on independence on December 10, 1991. However, these discussions may have made sense within Armenia, but the international community’s position and understating of the situation was clear. On October 6, 2022, Armenia recognized Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan, automatically transforming the Artsakh conflict into the problem of minority protection within Azerbaijan.

On April 23, 2023, the Armenian government criticized Azerbaijani actions for blockading the Berdzor Corridor near Shushi and later establishing the checkpoint. The Armenian government claims these steps are direct preparation for ethnic cleansing and genocide of the Armenian population of Artsakh. However, the Armenian government said it would do nothing to change the situation on the ground, arguing that the Berdzor Corridor belongs to Russia. Russia should force Azerbaijan to remove the checkpoint and end the blockade. Other members of the international community should force Azerbaijan to implement the International Court of Justice’s decision on the blockade adopted on February 22, 2023.

Nevertheless, it is evident that Russia will not use force against Azerbaijan, and the US and other Western countries will not threaten Azerbaijani leadership with personal sanctions on their multi-billion assets. Current calls by Armenia to the international community to pressure Azerbaijan and force Baku to end the blockade and remove the checkpoint will be futile. They will bring no results, allowing Azerbaijan to continue its plan of destroying Artsakh as a political-administrative entity. 

It is our Achilles heel as a people. We are strong on opinions and weak on collaboration. The politics in Armenia are a classic example. While our enemies threaten our very survival, we choose to engage in internal conflict. In the diaspora, our organizational landscape reflects continuous addition but little subtraction. We add groups at will while legacy groups struggle to survive generational transfer. While the real enemy in the diaspora is assimilation, the reality is we compete against each other for the limited mindshare that our brethren in the diaspora can offer for their faith and heritage. I think you all know what I am referring to. Unless we have been residing on a distant planet, it is clearly visible in our daily American-Armenian life. We have too many redundant organizations, some born out of a desire to keep traditional groups relevant and others launched with new ideas and not enough cooperation. There are many noble attempts by people of goodwill. The lineup has more to do with legacy political affiliations than a core mission. We have the AYF, Hamazkayin, ARF and ARS. In parallel, there is the AGBU, ACYOA and Tekeyan. We have the ANCA and the Assembly. Some organizations have evolved to being non-partisan such as the Knights of Vartan, NAASR or AIWA. Unlike the past, it is rare to see overt conflict between Armenian groups today. Skeptical? Look at the pages of the Baikar and Hairenik publications 40 to 50 years ago. Today’s challenge is that we have become a large conglomerate of groups with no organizational relationships with each other. Looking at the diaspora from the outside illustrates this point. In a corporate environment with a struggling market, we would strategically consolidate to optimize results and enable growth. It’s true we are not a corporation, but we do have limited resources, a target market and core capabilities. The challenge is that we have no mechanism to address this problem. Just keep the lights on. In the 125 years of an active diaspora, we have certainly created division but have little experience in strategic collaboration or alliance building. We live in silos. Thinking of the whole becomes very parochial.

Our beloved church is always a good barometer of community health. The month of May is a time of renewal for the church. The Feast of the Resurrection followed by the period of Eastertide usually occurs during the Diocesan assemblies. I say plural because like most things in our Armenian life we have to have at least two. We have two dioceses, two diocesan primates/prelates and two assemblies (Diocesan and National Representative Assembly, or NRA). I wish we could at least use the same terms. It would make explaining this redundancy to our youth easier. I have tried for many years. Relations are cordial today but still clearly administratively divided. My personal protest to the stain of our continued division has been to ignore its reality. I gladly support all Armenian churches. I spent many years as an NRA delegate and later as a delegate to the Diocesan Assembly. Usually when you remain separate and distinct, there are clear differentiators. There are a few, but generally we all live with the same hopes and challenges. I have often found it interesting that both dioceses constantly complain and are concerned about financial stability, yet they have significant tolerance for the wasteful spending created by the redundancy of separation. Are we looking at the American diaspora as a whole or just our piece of it? It is one of the many reasons why I abhor our division. It clouds our vision and limits our thinking. The diaspora lives under the constant threat of assimilation. We have no room for obvious inefficiencies.

The Catholicos of the Great House of Cilicia Aram I (left) and the Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II (right) during the canonization of Armenian Martyrs into Sainthood, April 23, 2015

The good news is that both dioceses (Prelacy with Antelias and Diocese with Etchmiadzin) are led by wonderful and deeply spiritual leaders. Archbishop Anoushavan Tanielian from the Eastern Prelacy is a beloved clergyman who has worked tirelessly on behalf of the faithful. If you have not experienced a badarak with His Eminence as the celebrant, please do your spiritual health a favor. His melodious chanting brings us closer to God with spiritual joy. The Antelias seminary has produced excellent clergy for many generations, particularly the celebrated clergy since its revival under Karekin I Hovseptiants of blessed memory. Last year, the Diocese elected a new primate in Hayr Soorp Mesrob Parsamyan. Hayr Soorp has been recovering from a serious car accident last summer and is thankfully now able to re-engage publicly in his duties. I have found him to be warm, approachable and a good listener. His elevation to bishop is scheduled for this fall at Holy Etchmiadzin. Whether you attend the Prelacy or Diocesan parishes, it is important that you give these two elected leaders your full support. Our support to clergy leaders is often clouded with ceremonial patronizing. These men cannot lead us unless we have the knowledge and fortitude to speak frankly and passionately about the future of our church. Too often, our bishops arrive at our parishes and see a false picture of reality. The choirs are full, and Sunday School is vibrant. It is another version of the Christmas and Easter attendance. The following Sunday is the picture they should see. Perhaps “unannounced” visits would be more productive. Only with a firm grasp of reality can we make real and sustainable progress. We can’t be critical of our leaders unless we have given our best in proposing solutions. Our community has many admirable traits, but we must learn to match criticism with commitment. If we could add one dollar to the church endowment fund for every measurement of commitment and subtract for every critical opinion, I am afraid that we would carry a significant deficit. Opinions may be the seeds, but commitment is the fertilizer.

This year, we will have the opportunity to experience the leadership of Hayr Soorp Parsamyan in earnest since he has had to focus on his recovery for much of this past year. Primates are public figures, and their interaction with the faithful is a major part of their ministry. I can’t imagine how difficult it must have been to be elected and then isolated for months after a devastating injury. Thanks to God, he has recovered and now will continue his delayed journey. This fall, Aram I, Catholicos of the Great House of Cilicia, will make a major pontifical visit to the Eastern Prelacy. The intent will be to visit each parish affiliated with the Prelacy. Aram Vehapar is an educated, dynamic and visionary leader who was mentored by Karekin I Catholicos of All Armenians (formerly Karekin II of Cilicia) of blessed memory. On the occasion of his historic visit, I have a request for His Holiness and the Etchmiadzin Eastern Diocese in the United States. It would be both appropriate and inspiring if Aram I was invited to conduct a hrashapar service at St. Vartan’s Cathedral or at a diocesan parish. This, of course, would require an initiative from the host parish. Unprecedented, perhaps…but what a significant message it would be. During the centennial anniversary of the Armenian Genocide in 2015, many Armenians had their first encounter with Aram Vehapar during events in Washington, DC. Most attendees from diocesan parishes did not previously know him because of our divided state and were impressed with this outstanding Armenian clergyman. This would be an opportunity to display a new level of spiritual oneness (avoiding the term unity). We are constantly lectured that it exists, but this would be “walking the talk.”

There is another reason to pursue such an event. We have lost our sense of history and foundation with our administrative separation. Participants from Antelias affiliations don’t know much about Etchmiadzin, and the reverse is also true. The Great House of Cilicia is an ancient hierarchical See of the Armenian church. Unfortunately, many in the United States only understand its presence in the context of the 20th century problem in North America. This is the seat where the Catholicos of All Armenians resided until 1441 and has had a prolific history in historic Cilicia. The story of the survival of the See with its permanent relocation in 1930 to Antelias after the Genocide is an Armenian journey of resilience and survival. It is part of our collective experience. Many diocesan clergymen were trained at the renowned seminary of the Holy See. What an inspiring experience for American Armenians to receive the blessing of the leader of one of our Holy Sees. Frankly, it has been nearly a decade and a half since the Catholicos of All Armenians visited the Eastern Diocese for a pontifical visit. He has traveled here several times during that duration but only for private deliberations. This is quite unfortunate. The faithful deserve the blessings of their leaders. It has been quite frustrating when Karekin II visits America but decides to keep his visits out of public view. During his last visit, he did make a stop in Albany to pray with the Primate at his rehabilitation center and the nearby diocesan camp. When Karekin II Vehapar visited several years ago, a hrashapar at a Prelacy church was advocated, but to no avail. We need our leaders to be among the people, particularly during these times of crisis in the global Armenian nation.

It is quite apparent that our community has lost its vigor for the administrative reunification of the church in America. We have become comfortable with our current level of cooperation, but not sufficiently motivated to finish the job. This is a crisis of leadership. Many will respond that a grassroots approach has been tried, and that the matter can only be resolved by the two vehapars. I would tend to agree, but if it is not on our radar it certainly will not be on theirs. This is not about church administrative unity. It is about Christian love and respect for each other to strengthen the Armenian church. We need to have the courage and vision to tear down the artificial walls and return to a natural state. As Armenian Christians, we should not let an anomaly in the 20th century distort our respect for a hierarchical See from Cilicia that is 1,000 years old. Likewise, we need to honor Holy Etchmiadzin as the seat of Armenian Christendom. If you don’t care for the leadership of individuals, it should never prevent us from respect for the seat and for our greater church. If we lose these gifts because we are blinded by distractions or disrespect, then we become responsible for the decline of our institutions. Our presence and actions do make a difference. Let us pray for the health of our prelate/primate and success in their ministries. Give us the strength to break down the superficial barriers preventing the sustained prosperity of our beloved church.

BOSTON, Mass.—On April 17, the Boston International Film Festival (BIFF) officially announced the winners of this year’s awards at the closing night gala event. Alexander Khachatryan, producer and lead actor in the film “It’s Spring…,” accepted the Best Picture award. Best Original Screenplay was presented to writer Harout Ghukassian. Representatives from more than 30 countries participated in the 21st BIFF with 80 short and feature films which were screened from April 13 until April 17 at the AMC Theatres Boston Common on Tremont Street.

“It’s Spring…,” directed by Roman Musheghyan, is based on the events of the four-day war in April of 2016, when Azerbaijan’s attempts to invade and unprovoked attacks on the Republic of Artsakh were repelled by the Armenian forces.

Khachatryan, with his masterful performance, plays the role of Aram Amatuni, a retired special forces commander who has devoted his entire life to defending his country. The years of his service to his country have taken their toll on Aram’s family life, and especially on his relationship with his son, Gnel (played by Armen Margaryan) who is now a successful businessman. Levon Hakhverdyan plays the grandson, a talented violinist who has been accepted to a prestigious music school in Europe when the war at the front confronts him with choices which will change the course of his life. The director subtly places elements of Armenian culture throughout the movie, which magically serve as a pedestal for the role of the mother, depicted by the incredibly beautiful performance of Mardjan Avetisyan.

The BIFF Best Original Screenplay and Best Picture Awards for “It’s Spring…”

While the movie is centered on patriotism and the struggle of the Armenian people for defending statehood and freedom, it also sheds light on an age-old human dilemma – since the times of Abraham. How can one be ready to sacrifice what is most valuable when the time comes?

As an Armenian watching this powerful movie, I was stirred by how real these existential questions are for us as a nation today. The faces of our heroes who sacrificed their lives defending our homeland came to my mind – brave young men and women, such as Anush Apetyan, Avetis Booloozian, Albert Hovannisyan, Alen Margaryan and thousands of others who not only gave their lives, but their families who gave what is most valuable to them.

Members of the Armenian community in Boston at the second screening of the movie “It’s Spring…” at the BIFF

On the morning of April 18, my wife Isabella and I met with Khachatryan and Ani Simonian, who offered her assistance in promoting the movie in the US. We had the privilege of giving them a little tour of our community in Boston and the Hairenik Building where they met Armenian Weekly editor Pauline Getzoyan and Hairenik Weekly editor Zaven Torigian, as well as ARF Archives director George Aghjayan.

Alexander Khachatryan (right) holding the original May 28, 1918 Declaration of Independence of the First Republic of Armenia housed in the ARF Archives after receiving a tour from ARF Archives director George Aghjayan (left). Also pictured (l. to r.) are Ani Simonian and Isabella and Harmik Avedian

While discussing the festival and the reception of the movie by its audience, Simonian showed us a recorded video of the full house standing ovation after the premiere screening in Boston. Khachatryan was pleasantly surprised with the movie’s ability to connect with the non-Armenian audience.

I asked Khachatryan what sparked the idea of this movie in him, and how long did it take to make? “This movie is the debt that my soul deeply felt the need to pay,” he replied. Then, he went on to say that during Soviet times many good movies were made in Armenia, but because of the oppressive political censorship and communist ideology, none of the movies were allowed to reflect the patriotic feelings of our nation. In early 2016, Khachatryan and Ghukassian, one of the best playwrights in Armenia, were discussing creating a movie about our nation’s victory in the first Artsakh war, while keeping in mind that with public sentiment regarding conditions in the country being low, the willingness of the young generation to enlist to defend the country might have been declining. It was not long before the spring of 2016 arrived and the enemy attacked our homeland. When they saw how countless young men, many of them college students, lined up next to the veterans from the first war at the military commissariat to volunteer as soldiers, they realized this is the story that needs to be told, and the direction of the movie became clear.

Khachatryan shared the challenges of making “It’s Spring…” Some of the production coincided with the pandemic and the 2020 Artsakh War. Despite the near-impossible situation, the production team continued the work. Khachatryan’s decision not to compromise the quality in the making of this motion picture has turned “It’s Spring…” into an homage to fallen soldiers and their families who have set the bar for what it means to love one’s country. I believe this masterpiece will inspire generations to come, much like the works by the great novelist Raffi in the 19th century.

“It’s Spring…” is the winner of multiple awards at 11 international film festivals. There are plans underway for a screening in the community.

WASHINGTON, DC – US Agency for International Development (USAID) administrator Samantha Power has established a two-year pattern of dodging straightforward Congressional inquiries – both in-person during legislative hearings and in writing from dozens of legislators – regarding the lack of USAID programs in Artsakh, a troubling trend that was on display, once again, during her most recent appearance before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, reported the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA).

Asked straightforward questions about the status of US aid for Artsakh by the panel’s chairman, Bob Menendez, Power – who has been in office two years – again deferred, refusing to answer his question or even meaningfully address the senator’s broader point, by saying, “I don’t have that figure off the top of my head.” Power took credit for conducting “two assessment missions to the region,” failing to note that these were only conducted belatedly as a result of a Congressional mandate spearheaded by Congresswoman Barbara Lee (D-CA). Asked to provide the Foreign Relations Committee with these assessments, Power agreed.

“Clever dodges and mumbled deferrals don’t distract anyone from the fact that USAID – under President Biden and Administrator Power – has operated zero U.S. humanitarian assistance programs in Artsakh,” said ANCA executive director Aram Hamparian. “After countless Congressional inquiries during its two years in office, it is all too clear that they lack the will to help Artsakh, the strength to stand up to Azerbaijan, or the courage to take ownership of this deeply flawed policy.”

In his opening remarks at the April 26th Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, Chairman Menendez complained that at times USAID’s response to crises is “slower than molasses,” noting, “Case in point: The humanitarian crisis for Armenians in Nagorno Karabakh is only getting worse. Where are we? Why aren’t we airlifting humanitarian supplies to those Armenians facing blockade? We need to respond to events quickly and we also need to address root causes.”

With strong support from the ANCA, Congresswoman Lee was successful late last year in including language in the Consolidated Appropriations Act (P.L.117-103) directing that the US Department of State and US Agency for International Development provide Congress with an “assistance strategy for addressing humanitarian and recovery needs arising from the [Artsakh] conflict” that identifies the US “resources and programs,” available for this purpose. The Artsakh provision included a 60-day timeline for the Biden Administration to report back to Congress. The deadline to submit the assistance strategy was March 1st; Senate and House members have yet to gain access to the report.