Category: 2023

Dikran Gamsaragan

Original text by Dikran Gamsaragan (1866-1941)
Translation by Kegham Balian and Nanar Nakashian

The prince of Syunik with his colossal frame, laid there in his dungeon, inertly adhered to the ground on a mere stretcher. Above his pillow, the candle light shimmered in the shadows, akin to a lantern casting its gaze upon a tomb. His cell resembled the entrance to a grave.

With a banal glance into the darkness of his prison chamber, a deathly Vasag seemed in search of his lost glory; plowing and foraging in thought for a glory that had sunk into the void of this very dungeon, this hole, which was the remaining estate of the lord of Syunik, whose immolated soul was once impassioned for a greater Armenia.

Kourken, the disavowed Armenian, the guard to his cell, who had since come to regret his emancipation, sorrowfully looked upon Vasag. Behold the prince, the grandest of Armenian princes, chained and curled up, abandoned to his death bed; perhaps the eventuality of his own fate as well. Kourken stood petrified, with a turmoiled mind. He eventually approached Vasag’s bedside, and with a crackled voice, spoke in his Armenian dialect.

-Your highness, my prince, allow me to be your hostage. Tell me what it is that you wish for; tell me what you yearn for. O which heart could bear distrusting your pain… 

Vasag, as if awakened from a deep slumber, with aching slowness, turned his head toward Kourken, casted a perplexed look upon him with a surprised invigoration that hinted at an inkling of life within him. Soon after, he murmured.

— Boy, are you Armenian?

Kourken bowed in agreement, that he was indeed Armenian, from Vartked Province in the state of Abar, son of Mushegh the camel herder. He continued in quick succession with an incongruous amalgamation of words, in order to explain how dark forces and the devil had conspired to seduce his soul, and on an even darker day, how he had succumbed, unbeknownst to him. Disgraced. Perhaps even more so than Vasag. 

Vasag’s head dropped to his chest, seemingly silently, entranced by sorrowful ruminations. He had just heard his own tale, albeit different, yet eerily and pitiably the same, a humanity recognized.

— Armenian! You, Armenian…

His eyes glinted with bliss as he made an effort to extend a brotherly hand toward Kourken, a clasping that sent reverberations throughout his nation.

From the depths of his heart, he, too, had missed the countryman, the builder, the Armenian Christian, whom he had never doubted having loved; the Armenian who recognizes himself?

— Armenian…

Alas, Kourken perched his head on Vasag and beseeched:

— Do it! Command me, Sir, my prince! Ask whatever it is that you wish! I will do the impossible! Speak my prince, speak!

A faint smile appeared on Vasag’s face, but he kept quiet.

— Are you in need of medication? Would you want me to secretly fetch the night warden’s cabalist? Please, Sir, do not refrain! Do not worry about me. I do not fear danger, for my life isn’t worth much anymore.

An emotional Vasag denied Kourken with a tilt of his head.

— If you wish it so, l will bring forth your child so you may embrace him one last time…

Kourken stopped, taken aback by the thoughtless word that had nearly escaped his lips.

Remembering his son, Vasag teared up. His heart palpitations grew stronger. Alas, he knew it was an impossible endeavor, the idea of seeing his son. He knew very well that Persian law decreed that any attempt to make contact with prisoners in solitary confinement would have resulted in the gouging of their eye [the person trying to contact the prisoner] and would have led to the decapitation of Kourken. To make matters more dreadful, he even doubted that his son would have wanted to see him. He had renounced his own father.

Vasag rejected the offer.

— O dear Prince, said Kourken, perhaps you’d like to send a letter back to the motherland. I would whisk away from this place, cross mountains and valleys and bestow your parchment personally. Perhaps with that I might find salvation. And if they wish to stone me to death, at least I shall perish on my soil in the bosom of my dear mother.

Vasag laid in astoundment. And when Kourken insisted with candor, Vasag gazed yearningly whence a wish materialized, fluttering from his visage, yet hesitant to divulge.

Kourken appeared uneasy, and in that moment, holding Vasag’s hands in his palms, tightly, declared with temerity in his voice.

— O dear Prince of Syunik, an offering for your soul. You guard a wish, fearing its release. I demand earnestly, O dear Prince, release it, may it enslave me. Release it, my dear Prince! Release it!

And then, in that moment, with elation bursting from his cadaverous face, Vasag murmured:

— Holy Communion.

ՎԱՍԱԿԻՆ ԻՂՁԸ

ՏԻԳՐԱՆ ԿԱՄՍԱՐԱԿԱՆ 

Սիւնեաց իշխանը իր յաղթ Հասակին բոլոր տարածութեամբ փռուած էր հոն, իր զնտանին մէջ, ու կը մնար անշարժ ու գետնամած՝ պատգարակի մը վրայ։ Իր սնարին վերեւ պատրոյգի մը տմոյն լոյսը ստուերներու մէջ կը դողդղար, իբր թէ շիրիմի մը վրայ կախուած առկայծ կանթեղ մը եղած ըլլար։ Այդ խուցն իսկ գերեզմանի մը նախագաւիթն ըլլըլ կը թուէր մանաւանդ։

Ակնարկը միապաղաղ, այլ հեռասոյզ ու սեւեռուն, Վասակ՝ մահամերձ՝ կարծես պարապին մէջ իր կորսուած փառքը կը յամառէր փնտռել ու հետապնդել տակաւին։ Ընկլուզեր էր այդ փառքը հոս, այս զնտանին մէջ, ու այս խցիկն էր հիմա կալուածը Սիւնեաց տիրոջ, որ «Հայոց Աշխարհ»ին թագն էր երազեր՝ փառատենչութեամբ ճենճերող իր հոգիին բռնաշունչ դրդումովը։

Գուրգէն, — բանտապահը, որ ուրացող հայ մըն էր եւ հիմա կը զղջար իր ուրացութեան համար, — զարհուրախառն յուզմունքով դիտեց Վասակը։ Կը մեռնէր ահա հայ իշխանը, հայոց աւագ իշխանը, շղթաներու տակ գալարատանջ, իր որհասին մէջ իսկ լքուած ու անոք, ինչպէս որ մը պիտի ըլլար գուցէ ինքն ալ. ու Գուրգէն սոսկաց, արձանացած մնաց հոն մտածկոտ, խելամոլար. յետոյ աւելի եւս մօտենալով Վասակի սնարին, ըսաւ անոր գգուոտ, աղու ձայնով մը, իր հայ բնիկ բարբառով.

—Տէ՛ր իմ իշխան, գերիդ ըլլամ, ըսէ ինծի ինչ որ կը փափաքիս։ Ըսէ՛, Սիգնեաց տէր, փափաքդ. փափաքդ ըսէ։ Ի՞նչ սիրտ ըլլայ, որ չարչարանքիդ չխղճայ…։

Վասակ, իբր խոր երազէ մը սթափած, դէպի Գուրգէնը դարձուց իր գլուխը տաժանքոտ դանդաղութեամբ եւ անոր վրայ ձգեց տարտամ նայուածք մը, ուր զարմանքի սաստկութիւնը միայն կեանքի յետին ցոլք մը դրած էր. քիչ յետոյ մրմնջեց.

—Հա՞յ ես, տղա՛յ…

Գուրգէն գլուխը խոնարհեցուց ըսելու համար, թէ հայ էր, Ապար նահանգին Վարդգետ գաւառէն, ուղտապան Մուշէի որդին՝ Գուրգէն։ Ու պատմեց, քանի մը կցկտուր, առագ բառերով, թէ ի՛նչպէս մոգ ու սատանան դաւակցեր էին իրեն դէմ՝ հրապուրելու համար զինգը, ու սեւ օր մը ուրացեր էր — ինքն ալ չէր գիտեր ի՛նչպէս—ու հիմա շատ դժբախտ էր, իրեն չափ դժբախտ գուցէ…

Վասակ գլուխը կուրծքին վրայ ծռեց ու անմռունչ խորասուզուած ըլլալ կը թուէր չարաշուք յուշերու ու խոհանքներու մէջ. իր պատմութունն էր, որ լսած էր այդ րոպէին, անոր մանրավէպը, դերակատարներով այնքան տարբեր, բայց խղճալիութեամբ այնքան նման ու այնքան մարդկային նաեւ։

—Հայ, — կրկնեց Վասակ,— դուն հայ…

Ու, երանութեամբ խուսափուկ նշոյլ մը աչքերուն մէջ, ճիգ մը ըրաւ եղղբայրական գորովով Գուրգէնին երկնցնելու իր ձեռքը, ուրկէ սասաներ էր երբեմն իր ամբողջ երկիրը։ Ինքն ալ կարօտցեր էր հիմա, սրտին խորէն, երկրի մարդը, նոյնիսկ յետին շինականը կայ քրիստոնեան, զոր մինչեւ հիմա չէր կասկածեր երբեք, թէ կը սիրէր այդքան. ո՞վ ինքզինք կը ճանչնայ։

—Հայ…

Բայց Գուրգէն, գլուխը հակելով Վասակին վրայ, ըսաւ, աղերսեց.

—Օ՛ն, հրամայէ՛, տէ՛ր իմ իշխան, հրամայէ՛ ինչ որ ուզես. պատրաստ եմ քեզի համար անկարելին ընելու։ Օհ, խօսէ, տէր իմ, խօսէ՛։

Վասակ տրտում ժպիտ մը ունեցաւ. լուռ կը մնար միշտ։

—Դեղ ու դարմա՞ն կ՛ուզես արդեօք, —հարցուց Գուրգէն,—կ՛ուզե՞ս որ գիշերանց մարզպետին կապալագէտը բերեմ քեզի գաղտնի։ Կը խնդրեմ, տէ՛ր իմ, մի քաշուիր, ըսէ՛. ու դուն մի խորհիր իմ մասիս, ա՛լ վտանքէ չեմ վախնար ես, ու իմ կեանքս արդէն շատ բան չ՛արժեր այսուհետեւ։

Վասակ, զգացուած, գլխով նշան ըրաւ, թէ դեղի, դարմանի չէր ցանկար, ո՛չ։

—Եթէ փափաքիս, — աւելցուց Գուրգէն, — երթամ, հանդերձապետին մարդիկը կաշառելով, զաւակդ բերեմ քեզի ծպտուած, որ համբուրես զինք անգամ մը, վերջին անգ…

Ու Գուրգէն չաւարտեց, շփոթած՝ այն անխորհուրդ բառին համար, որ սպրդեր, փախեր էր բերնէն։

Ի յուշ իր զաւկին՝ Վասակի աչքերը պղտորեցան արցունքով. կուրծքը աւելի արագ կը հեւար հիմա։ Աւա՛ղ, չէր կրնար համամտիլ տեսնելու իր զաւակը. պարսից օրէնքը, քաջ գիտէր ինք, կը հրամայէր մէկ աչքը փորել անոր, որ յանդգնած ըլլար գաղտնի տեսակցելու հաղորդակցութենէ արգիլուած բանտարկեալին հետ. իսկ Գուրգէն կը գլխատուէր գուցէ։ Մնաց որ ան կը տարակուսէր, թէ որդին զիջանէր գալ տեսնելու զինք. ան նոյնիսկ ուրացեր էր իր հայրը…

Վասակ մերժեց։

— Բայց, տէ՛ր իշխան, — յարեց Գուրգէն, — ուզես թերեւս գիր մը ղրկել հայրենիք. ես կը սպրդիմ, կը փախչիմ իսկոյն ասկէ, լեռ ու ձոր կը կտրեմ եւ անձամբ քու թուղթդ կը տանիմ իր տեղը կը հասցնեմ, ատով քաւութիւն գտնեմ թերեւս. իսկ եթէ քարկոծելով սպաննել ուզեն զիս հոն, թող երկրի հողին վրայ մեռնիմ, մօրս գրկին մէջ մեռնիմ…

Վասակ փղձկեցաւ ու կը մնար յակճիռ։ Ու երբ Գուրգէն խանդաղատանքով պնդեց նորէն ու թախանձեց, որպէս զի անոր յետին կամքն իմանայ, Վասակ աղերսաւոր ու կարօտաբաղձ ակնարկ մը ուղղեց Գուրգէնին, ակնա՛րկ մը, ուր ջերմ ու թագուն իղձ մը կը բաբախէր, զոր ան կը վարանէր յայտնելու։

Գուրգէն վրդովուեցաւ ատկէ ու նոյն պահուն Վասակին ձեռքը իր ափերուն մէջ սեղմելով, ըսաւ անոր՝ իր ամբողջ սիրտը դնելով ձայնին մէջ.

— Ա՛հ, Սիւնեա՛ց տէր, հոգւոյդ մատաղ, բաղձանք մը ունիս դուն, զոր չես ուզեր յայտնել ինծի։ Կը պաղատիմ, Սիւնեա՛ց տէր, յայտնէ ինծի քու բաղձանքդ, կը պաղատիմ, գերիդ ըլլամ։ Յայտնէ՛, տէր իմ իշխան, յայտնէ՛…

Ու այն ատեն, բերկրանքի գերերկրային ճառագայթումով մը իր մեռելատիպ դէմքին վրայ, Վասակ հծծեց.

—Սուրբ հաղորդութի՛ւն…

Thirty years after the formation of the second Republic of Armenia, our country continues to face a litany of domestic economic problems. The labor sphere is in shambles. The national poverty rate is not seeing dramatic changes. Workers have little to no practical rights. Illegal and unethical child labor is rampant, and the inflation rate far outpaces any salary increases. Meanwhile, the Civil Contract government has blocked the opposition’s bill to increase the minimum wage by 50 percent.

The solution to this issue is simple: the trade union (labor union) networks of Armenia must be restructured and re-invigorated. Unfortunately, decades of overbearing Communist Party dominance in the labor sphere and marginalization of unions during the Soviet era have left contemporary Armenian trade unions weak and ineffective. They function more as advising intermediaries between the workers and the bosses, taking the side of the capitalists rather than fighting for the rights of those they represent.

What the trade unions of Armenia need is a leader – a force to organize them, revitalize them, politicize them within the context of leftist thought and defend them in case of retaliatory legal action by the bourgeois class. There is only one entity in Armenia that has the organizational know-how, the funds for legal defense and the necessary leftist philosophy to accomplish this: the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF).

This is not a role that is unfamiliar to the 132-year-old ARF. During the socialist movement of the first decade of the 20th century, the ARF organized countless strikes and created innumerable trade unions. During the era of the First Republic of Armenia, the ARF-dominated parliament often sided with the trade unions against the greedy corporatists: “in October [1920], Parliament defended the [railway] union’s position and quickly voted an extraordinary appropriation for salary increments” (Richard Hovanissian’s The Republic of Armenia).

And for those individuals for whom the solution to domestic exploitation is not a compelling issue, this is also a nationalist imperative. One can only imagine how much easier the ongoing process to remove the traitorous Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan would be if the ARF and other opposition forces were able to call a general strike. Without major influence in trade unions, such an action is not possible. Furthermore, the opposition also would have already solved or could credibly promise to solve the myriad of socio-economic issues that prevent many Armenians from thinking through a nationalist lens.

Since this appears to be an important task from both the national and social ideological standpoints, what steps must be taken toward this end?

The ARF, either by itself or in conjunction with other labor organizations, must organize the local labor unions.

The ARF’s structure naturally lends itself to this task, as its city committees (Kaghakayin Gomideh) would be able to act as local organizing liaisons. With each committee comes a host of members who have years of experience in internal democracy and organizational leadership, both at the level of the committee (gomideh) and the group (khoump). When strike action is necessary, a local body of individuals may be called upon to join the striking workers and prevent the crossing of the picket line.

Meanwhile, the provincial committees (Marzayin Gomideh) can be called upon to help organize workers by their industry, which can facilitate industry-wide strikes and widespread collective bargaining. For national-scale issues – general strikes, political action, etc. – the ARF Supreme Body of Armenia (Kerakouyn Marmin) would be the main point of contact.

The formation of a trade union organization

The organization could be fully incorporated into the structure of the ARF or function as a separate organization. The first structure was implemented in this context in 1905, with the ARF Tailors’ Union in Baku and other similar trade unions formed during that time; the second structure can be seen in organizations like the Armenian Relief Society, which have their own conventions and internal structure. The main difference is that in the first case, the ARF would direct local unions with its local structures, while in the second, it would be higher bodies (like the Supreme Body or ARF Bureau) that would direct the labor organization.

Insignia of the ARF Tailors’ Union Bureau of Baku (Source: Hratch Dasnabedian’s History of the ARF)

The best structure, however, would be that which is utilized by the ARF’s youth wings: a separate organization with local guidance and help from the ARF and nationally subordinate to the largest ARF body. Thus, the local union would be advised and aided by the city gomideh but directed by the regional branch of the ARF national Trade Union. The regional branch would be guided by the provincial ARF gomideh and directed by the national Executive Body of the trade union. The national Executive Body would be responsible to its members but also directed and aided by an ARF body (either the Supreme Body of Armenia or Bureau).

One great victory for the workers of Armenia

To revitalize the trade unions of Armenia, what is necessary is one victory for the labor movement. For instance, this might take the form of legal defense after bourgeois reprisal following strike action. This will assuage the fears of lack of legal protection that have, to this day, strangled the voice of Armenian workers, who are too fearful to engage in strikes, not because they are cowardly, but because they know that both the state and the union currently protect the interests of the bosses, not the workers. This great success will show the working class that they are protected, that they have a knight in shining armor whose name is the Tashnagtsutiun, equipped with its glorious shield of labor and its deadly sword of class and national struggle.

Of course, in the early days, it will be mostly Tashnagtsagan workers who are involved as leaders and members of the ARF-organized trade unions. However, this is not a disadvantage; on the contrary, it will allow those with genuine socialist and national ideology to flourish as organizers, preventing anti-national liberals (Nikolagans), bourgeois apologists (supporters of capitalism), and cosmopolite class reductionists (Marxist-Leninists) from reaching great heights within these labor organizations.

Though the benefits of a strong labor sphere may not manifest themselves immediately, in time, with proper leadership from the oldest Armenian democratic socialist party, the trade unions and workers will be victorious in the eternal struggle against capitalism. A “free Armenia” requires economic freedom and liberation for the Armenian working class – a process that begins with strengthening the economic power of the Armenian worker. The substitution of the Turkish yataghan–wielding feudal lord with a tricolored exploiter in Yerevan should not be mistaken for the true liberation of the Armenian people. Until a democratic and socialist Armenian republic is organized, we shall yet remain unfree.

Photo: Facebook/NKR InfoCenter

We have often commented in this column that building an Armenian identity in the diaspora is a choice. There are many faces in that identity that are available. There are those who align with our faith, our culture or our human rights. Whenever I speak with young people about engaging in our communities, I suggest that they stay focused on the mission and not the personalities. The other piece of advice is to prepare for the long term when attempting to make a difference. Too often in this age of instant gratification, we lose interest when the results are not significant or immediate. When an Armenian school teacher has inspired one student to pursue fluency, they have made a difference. If a mentor can motivate a few young people to participate in the human rights struggle, they have left a footprint. This is particularly true in the diaspora where participation can fluctuate based on burn out, distractions or frustration. Our history is extensive, and our struggle is of equal length. We are merely the current gatekeepers and should view our contributions in that content. We must protect our personal sustainability if we are to optimize our collective contributions.

In most global nations, the major grouping is separated by information and authority. Ironically, in a democratic society, the people delegate that difference to elected officials. The origin of those relationships is often forgotten leading to a separation. This is especially pertinent to the current Artsakh struggle and its relationship to Armenia and the diaspora. The two groupings are separated by power, access to information and ability to impact the outcome (authority). 

In one group, we find the government, career political elite and political intellectuals. This grouping accounts for a very small percentage of our nation (perhaps less than one percent) but also possesses most of the ability to make or influence decision making. The other grouping is populated by the vast majority and is often referred to as the “rank and file,” general public” or  “common citizens.” Whether they reside in the diaspora or in the homeland, “citizen” refers to status as a part of the global Armenian nation. Often in the former group, they confront the most difficult situations with political rhetoric or rationalizations. The rank and file seek the truth through the veneer of political dialogue. Because the authority group operates in a different reality, they are somewhat shielded from the frustration factor. It may be a job to them or perhaps they have different objectives, but for the common citizens, who are unable to impact the outcome, they are vulnerable to a loss of empowerment. Left untreated, frustration can evolve into ambivalence, which is a threat to democracy. 

In the past week, the Minister of State in Artsakh Ruben Vardanyan was relieved of his duties by Artsakh President Arayik Harutyunyan after only 112 days in office. Ironically, the dismissal occurred at nearly the same time as the International Court of Justice ruling in favor of the immediate opening of the Lachin Corridor. Opinions are flooding the internet as to whether Harutyunyan caved to pressure from Azerbaijan and perhaps Armenia that direct dialogue between Azerbaijan and Artsakh would not take place with Vardanyan. Aliyev has made several public comments criticizing Vardanyan’s presence as a “Russian oligarch” and representing Russia’s interest. Armenia’s aloofness to Artsakh began after the 2020 war when they delegated their longtime role as “security guarantor” to Russian peacekeepers per the November 2020 trilateral agreement. Aliyev’s response clearly indicated that he felt threatened by Vardanyan’s leadership. Russia’s interest is much more fundamental. The instability in the region is in their interest as it affords them the opportunity to manipulate both sides. When Armenia criticized the CSTO and peacekeepers for their lack of support, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and his ministry lashed out at Armenia. Lavrov sounded like a parent scolding a child for daring to speak. Yet, this week, Lavrov sounded more conciliatory as he updated the press on the “negotiations” to open the Lachin Corridor. He stated that he did not envision checkpoints in the open corridor. This is in direct contrast to Aliyev’s demand that Azeri checkpoints be installed.

Vardanyan has spoken publicly this week about his ouster in the context of his enduring commitment to the people of Artsakh. Armenian politicians have sounded a bit defensive on the Artsakh situation this week. When commenting about proposals for an Armenia/Azerbaijan peace treaty, National Assembly president Alen Simonyan stated, “Don’t get the impression that we are somehow trying to abandon Artsakh’s interests.” He then went on to state that the November 9 treaty governs the process. Other politicians have suggested that Vardanyan’s presence caused tension with Armenia. When politicians seek to clarify a perception, it usually means that they are feeling some resistance to their policy. Even casual observers can agree that Armenia’s position has become more aloof. Armenia has been active in pursuing a response to the humanitarian aspects of the struggle, but the political landscape has changed. The response of the general public is simply a reflection of what they see.

The rank and file may not completely understand these confusing dynamics, and they probably don’t care. Their concern for some time has been an end to political instability and the need for leadership. In the view of a significant portion of the global Armenian nation, Vardanyan is a breath of fresh air with a vision for Artsakh that the people holding the land can connect with. He gives people hope that their leaders understand the fundamental issues. How can one not be inspired by an individual who leaves his comfort zone to be with his people in their time of need? His mere presence and influence raised Artsakh’s profile in an unprecedented way. Naturally, this is a threat to Aliyev and to the political establishment in Armenia. In this odd alignment of short term interests, political forces led to Vardanyan’s dismissal. In the eyes of many, he is a hero victimized by those fearful of his vision. 

As for Azerbaijan’s willingness to “talk” with Artsakh, was it Vardanyan’s dismissal or the ICJ decision? It is unclear, but to those who have chosen to defend their rights to the land, he is admired and respected. They understand after Sumgait, Baku and 30 years of terror, that there is no “security” agreement with Azerbaijan that will prevent another Nakhichevan.

The diaspora has always been assertive in its support for Artsakh. One factor to consider beyond patriotism is the kinship of being dispossessed. The diaspora was founded by the survivors of the Genocide and their descendants. The expulsion and recovery are major elements of the psyche of this community. In the last 30 years, those victimized by Azeri crimes have a tragic common experience with the diaspora. Many in the diaspora stand with Artsakh to prevent the expulsion and destruction experienced by their ancestors. When we visit Artsakh and witness the remarkable courage of its people, we often think of Western Armenia. The threat of survival has inspired miraculous ability in Artsakh. Despite the controversy of the previous two administrations, as natives of Artsakh they brought that spirit and understanding of Artsakh to Armenia. After the 2020 war, Armenia became more concerned with the sovereign state of Armenia. While it is the right of the government to formulate such a policy, it is essential that Armenia be concerned about its role as the center of the Armenian global nation. Regardless of their reasoning, Armenia’s policy toward Artsakh and the commitment of the diaspora have created a bit of an estrangement between these two very important players. 

We should also note that Armenia’s enthusiasm for approaching “normalization” talks with Turkey is at best confusing for many in the diaspora. Turkey is a nation that denies the murder and dispossession of Armenians; contributed significantly to the killing of Armenians in the 2020 war; has labeled Armenians as “remnants of the sword;” and unapologetically defines criminal Azerbaijan as “one nation two states.” Details on the terms of the border opening and “normalization” are unclear, but only the naive would not expect the predictable Turkish pre-conditions to soon emerge. With “normalization,” Turkey would be free to damage Armenia economically by flooding Armenian markets with cheaper goods, crippling agriculture and other industries. Will there be pricing protection and import restrictions? Turkey is not Armenia’s friend. Cordial relations between neighbors are important, but they will not change Turkey’s strategic objective to weaken or destroy Armenia with Azerbaijan. These are important issues that need more public dialogue with the government of Armenia. The absence of such allows the void to be filled with speculation, discontent and frustration. Civil discourse is essential.

The general public in Artsakh, Armenia and the diaspora are united in one sense that they are not privy to insider information and certainly not empowered with the authority to make strategic decisions. In a victim state, this can easily lead to mentally exiting the struggle and general ambivalence. There is another option. Our citizens possess remarkable filters and sensors to know when the nation is drifting because those filters are based on the core values of the Armenian people. The recent example of Vardanyan illustrates this point. He was well received by the rank and file generally in our global nation, particularly in Artsakh, because he fulfilled a need—leadership and hope in a sea of chaos. It was not politics. He simply aligned what he had to offer with a void the people are feeling. Can you blame them? They feel politically isolated having to negotiate with a government that seeks their destruction. The resistance to Vardanyan was sadly political. He was disrupting the careful alignment. Some will even have the audacity to take credit for dialogue with Azerbaijan as a result of forcing him out. Politics can be entertaining in a stable environment. When survival is the headline, it can be tragic. The people are the core check and balance in a democratic society. They are the base of the pyramid and for that reason their presence and participation must be self protected. The sleepless nights of concern and constant anxiety must be regulated to ensure sustainability. We all need ways to manage our human emotions. For those on the periphery, stepping into the circle of participating and contributing can also be therapeutic. For those immersed already, protect the time with your family and other casual outlets to keep your commitment intact. Your nation needs you.