“Kommersant” recalled the events in Nagorno-Karabakh: And the battle continues in the world

March 6 2023

March 6 – BLiTZ. Despite the peacekeeping operation in Nagorno-Karabakh, shots are heard again in this land.

According to the newspaper “Kommersant”, the other day on the territory of Stepanakert (Azerbaijani name – Khankendi) there were military clashes, which resulted in the death of three representatives of law enforcement agencies from Armenia.

Armenia accused Azerbaijan of sabotage, reporting losses, the number of which is not given.

Recall that the situation in the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh continues to worsen since December 12. Then Armenia and Azerbaijan did not share the only route and made claims. Negotiations on this conflict are still ongoing.

Earlier, I also reported that on Monday, March 6, the visit of the EU Special Representative for the South Caucasus and the crisis in Georgia, Toivo Klaar, is expected in Baku.

5 dead in new Azerbaijan-Armenia clash over Karabakh

Canada – March 6 2023

Reuters – Azerbaijani troops and ethnic Armenians exchanged gunfire on Sunday in Azerbaijan's contested region of Nagorno-Karabakh, killing at least five people, according to reports from Azerbaijan and Armenia.

Nagorno-Karabakh was the focal point of two wars that have pitted Azerbaijan against Azerbaijan in the more than 30 years since both ex-Soviet states have achieved attendance.

Azerbaijan's defence ministry said two servicemen were killed in an exchange of fire after Azerbaijani troops stopped a convoy it suspected of carrying weapons from the region's main town to outlying areas. It said the convoy had used an unauthorized road.

Armenia's foreign ministry said three officials from the Karabakh interior ministry were killed. It said the convoy had been carrying documents and a service pistol and dismissed as "absurd" Azerbaijani allegations that weapons were being carried.

Nagorno-Karabakh has long been recognized internationally as part of Azerbaijan, though its population is made up predominantly of ethnic Armenians.

Armenian forces took control of Karabakh in a war that gripped the region as Soviet rule was collapsing in the early 1990s. Azerbaijan recaptured large swathes of territory in a six-week conflict in 2020 that ended with a truce and the dispatch of Russian peacekeepers, who remain in the region.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan have met several times as part of efforts to resolve the conflict, but periodic violence has hurt peace efforts.

For the past three months, Azeri environmentalists have been blockading the Lachin corridor linking Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh, saying they oppose mining operations in the region.

Armenia says the protesters are political activists acting at the behest of Azerbaijan's authorities.

The World Court ordered Azerbaijan last month on Wednesday to ensure free movement through the Lachin corridor.

(Reporting Naila Bagirova, writing by Ron Popeski, editing by Marguerita Choy)


Fraud Charges in Armenia no Obstacle to State Contracts in North Macedonia

March 6 2023


INVESTIGATION
Frosina Dimeska and Vasko Magleshov
Skopje
BIRN

March 6, 202308:20

Branislav Dimitrijevic faces charges in Armenia of fraud and illegally crossing the border with the help of a trio of Macedonian diplomats. But his legal issues have not stopped him from winning lucrative public contracts in his native North Macedonia.

On December 6, 2018, prosecutors in Armenia charged a Macedonian national called Branislav Dimitrijevic with “large-scale fraud” during construction of a north-south highway, as team leader for the French-Spanish consortium Safege-Eptisa.

Dimitrijevic was banned from leaving the country, but he did so anyway – with the help of three Macedonian diplomats, a private plane and, prosecutors say, someone else’s passport.

The prosecutors added his “illegal” departure to the charge sheet and Dimitrijevic, if ever found guilty in an Armenian court, faces spending years behind bars.

That, however, proved no barrier to Dimitrijevic resurfacing in February this year as one of the winners of a 22 million euro Macedonian government tender to supervise more road building, this time corridors 8 and 10D being built by the US-Turkish consortium Bechtel-ENKA.

With Prime Minister Dimitar Kovachevski watching on, the director of North Macedonia’s state roads enterprise, Ejup Rustemi, inked the deal with Paolo Orsini of the Italian engineering company IRD.

IRD is the lead partner in a consortium that also includes Evro Konsalting, co-owned by Dimitrijevic, Spanish Eptisa, which Dimitrijevic worked for in Armenia, and Elektra Solution, owned by Andon Ampov.

The Public Enterprise for State Roads, headed by Rustemi, said that the consortium won because its offer was of the “best quality and price”. Asked about Dimitrijevic’s legal issues in Armenia, the state agency told BIRN: “The entire selection procedure was conducted in accordance with all laws and bylaws regulating public procurement and was transparent from the outset.”

Dimitrijevic could not be reached for comment via Evro Konsalting.


——————————————————————————————-

Bypassing public tender

The tender for construction of the road corridors 8 and 10D was awarded to the US-Turkish consortium Bechtel-ENKA under a special law adopted by parliament in July 2021.

The company will build the motorway sections Tetovo-Gostivar, Struga-Kafasan and Prilep-Bitola.

Lawmakers passed a similar law in 2013 for the construction of the Miladinovci-Stip and Kicevo-Ohrid motorways.

——————————————————————————————-

The public tender for Corridors 8 and 10D is by no means the first won by Evro Konsalting.

Founded in 2002, the company was owned and managed by Dimitrijevic for years, until he made his son, Zoran, manager in 2021 and Elisaveta Ivanova joined as co-owner.

In that time, state and municipal authorities in North Macedonia signed more than 270 contracts with the firm worth a total of 4.5 million euros.

Last year alone, when Dimitrijevic was a fugitive from Armenian law, the company was awarded 11 contracts with state bodies worth 650,000 euros in total.

Evro Konsalting also supervised building work during a controversial makeover of the capital, Skopje, under the right-wing government of then Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, who fled to Hungary in 2018 – with the help of Hungarian diplomats – to evade a corruption conviction. The Skopje 2014 project has been dogged by allegations of corruption.

When the consortium involving Evro Konsalting won the latest tender in February, it was Dimitrijevic’s son, Zoran, who signed the contract on behalf of the company.


——————————————————————————————-

The Sargsyans

The construction of the north-south highway in Armenia also landed Levon Sargsyan, brother of former Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan, in trouble with the law.

Prosecutors have accused him of using his post at the time in the country’s foreign ministry to influence the selection of the Armenian subcontractors in exchange for a cut of the profits.

Levon Sargsyan is currently on the run.

——————————————————————————————-

Prosecutors in Armenia have told BIRN that Dimitrijevic is accused of creating an “organised group” with fellow Macedonian citizens Vladimir Sarafov, Mile Milenkoski, Stevo Simski, and Zoran Spirev, Bulgarian Filip Spirev and Volodymyr Stolyarchuk of Ukraine, with the purpose of skipping the country.

Sarafov and Milenkoski were diplomats at the time, while Simski was retired from the Macedonian diplomatic service. According to prosecutors, the group helped Dimitrijevic pass through passport control on October 1, 2019 via the VIP lounge of Yerevan international airport, using Zoran Spirev’s passport.

The story broke in August 2021, when Milenkoski, then working for the Macedonia mission to the OSCE, in Vienna, Austria, was arrested on an international warrant issued by Armenia as he tried to cross the border between Serbia and North Macedonia.

Milenkoski spent five months in extradition custody in the southern Serbian town of Vranje but was released when a court in the city of Nis ruled that the Armenian authorities had failed to submit any evidence to support the warrant.

Milenkoski declared justice done, “even when it’s unnecessarily slow”; he claimed he had been in Armenia on humanitarian work and had “never seen or communicated” with Dimitrijevic before, during or after his trip.

Sarafov retired from the diplomatic service and Milenkoski was suspended.


Elektra Solution, another company within the IRD-led consortium, also has an interesting backstory.

Andon Ampov, who signed the contract on behalf of Elektra Solution, is the son of Sotir Ampov, owner of the Road Institute of Veles, a small private company founded in 2021.

The Road Institute of Veles, partnering with Croatian IGH Institute, won the original tender for the highway supervision in 2022, but failed to provide a bank guarantee and the tender was cancelled.

At the time, Deputy Prime Minister Artan Grubi expressed his satisfaction that the tender procedure had been cancelled, claiming there was “Russian money” behind the winning bid.

The Alliance for Albanians, an opposition party, made a similar claim, citing reports that a company called Avenue Group, owned by Russian businessman Sergey Glyadelkin, is the principal shareholder in IGH. Glyadelkin is reported to be close to the Kremlin.

IGH and Ampov’s Road Institute of Veles were barred from bidding when the tender was repeated after receiving negative references from the public procurement system. Cue the son, Andon, and Elektra Solution.

https://balkaninsight.com/2023/03/06/fraud-charges-in-armenia-no-obstacle-to-state-contracts-in-north-macedonia/

Armenian and Azerbaijani border clash leaves five dead

DW – Deutsche Welle, Germany
March 5 2023
03/05/2023March 5, 2023

A disagreement over the Lachin Corridor in Nagorno-Karabakh turned deadly when parties on both sides of the border fired on each other.

At least five people were killed in a flare-up of violence along the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region on Sunday.

Officials on both sides blamed each other for the exchange of fire.

Armenia said three police had been killed, while Azerbaijan said two of its soldiers "became martyrs."

Azerbaijan's Foreign Ministry said a shootout occurred when soldiers went to check vehicles suspected of transporting weapons. Armenia said the Azerbaijani armed forces opened fire on the car of a Passport and Visa Department of the police.

The two former Soviet nations have been locked in a conflict for decades over the mountainous region, which in 2020 boiled over into full-blown war.

A Russian-brokered peace deal was reached late in 2020 after more than 6,000 lives were lost.

There have been several flare-ups between the two sides since the agreement was signed.

The agreement to end the 2020 war left a winding road called the Lachin Corridor as the only authorized connection between Nagorno- Karabakh and Armenia, a lifeline for supplies to the region's approximately 120,000 people.

However, traffic on that road has been mostly blocked since December by Azerbaijani environmental activists to protest what they say is illegal mining.

Armenia has accused Azerbaijan of backing the protesters to create blockade.

"Sending an international fact-finding team to the Lachin corridor and Nagorno-Karabakh is becoming a vital necessity,"  Armenia's foreign ministry said after the shooting.

Azerbaijan's ministry of defence said, "Today's incident once again shows that Azerbaijan needs to create an appropriate checkpoint on the Lachin-Khankendi road."

lo/jcg (AFP, AP)

Russia expresses ‘serious concern’ over Karabakh after shoot-out

March 6 2023

TBILISI (Reuters) – Russia expressed "serious concern" on Monday over rising tensions in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, where it said five people had been killed in a shoot-out between ethnic Armenians and Azerbaijani troops on Sunday.

Russia's defence ministry said the Azerbaijani troops had opened fire on a car carrying local law enforcement officials in the restive region, killing three and injuring another. In return fire, the pro-Armenian officials killed two Azerbaijani troops, Moscow said.

The deadly clash comes three months into the latest standoff between Baku and Yerevan over the region.

Nagorno-Karabakh is internationally recognised as part of Azerbaijan but populated mostly by ethnic Armenians. The two countries have fought two bloody wars and staged dozens of border clashes for control of the region over the last 35 years.

In December, Azerbaijanis claiming to be environmental activists started a blockade of the Lachin Corridor, the only road linking Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh.

Armenia says the blockade has led to food and medicine shortages, and that the protesters are government-backed agitators. Baku denies those claims and says the protesters are campaigning against illegal Armenian mining.

The fresh clash is seen as a key test of Russia's influence in the south Caucasus as it wages its own war in Ukraine.

Moscow deployed thousands of peacekeepers to the region in 2020 to end six weeks of fighting there which killed thousands and saw Azerbaijan make significant territorial gains.

Russia and Armenia are officially allies through a mutual self-defence pact, but Moscow also seeks to maintain good relations with Azerbaijan.

In a statement on Monday, Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said: "We urge the parties to show restraint and take steps to de-escalate the situation. Over the past few days there have been repeated violations of the ceasefire regime."

Russia's defence ministry said its peacekeeping forces had intervened to stop Sunday's clash and said it was working with both Azerbaijani and Armenian officials to figure out what had happened.

"The incident once again confirms the imperative need for Baku and Yerevan to resume negotiations as soon as possible," Zakharova added.

(Reporting by Jake Cordell and Caleb Davis; Editing by Mark Trevelyan and Gareth Jones)

https://www.yahoo.com/lifestyle/russia-expresses-serious-concern-over-162353238.html

ALSO READ AT
https://nationalpost.com/pmn/news-pmn/russia-expresses-serious-concern-over-karabakh-after-shoot-out

Days after first high-profile talks, a deadly clash in Karabakh

March 6 2023
John Horan Mar 6, 2023
The Lachin corridor connects Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh

A shooting in Nagorno-Karabakh on March 5 left three Karabakhi Armenian police officers and two Azerbaijani soldiers dead. 

Naturally, Azerbaijan on the one hand and Karabakh and Armenia on the other are offering vastly different accounts of what happened. 

The incident comes just as Azerbaijan-Karabakh talks seemed to be picking up steam, and nearly three months into the blockade of Karabakh by Azerbaijani government-sponsored activists. 

Those activists are camped out near the town of Shusha, on the road that forms the Lachin corridor, Karabakh's only lifeline to Armenia and the outside world. 

The Azerbaijani defense ministry's account of the incident suggested that Armenian vehicles were attempting to bypass the blockade — which Baku denies is a blockade — in order to transport "military equipment, ammunition, and personnel" from Armenia to Karabakh. 

Azerbaijani army units had attempted to "stop and inspect" some such vehicles which had been using the "Khankandi-Khalfali-Turshu dirt road," it said. (Khankandi is the Azerbaijani name for Stepanakert, the administrative center of Nagorno-Karabakh.)

"The opposing side opened fire and there were casualties and injuries from both sides as a result of the firefight," it added. 

The ministry said that the only road that can be used between Armenia and Karabakh is the "Khankandi-Lachin road" and that the use of the detour constitutes a violation of the November 9, 2020 Russian-brokered peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan. 

It called on the Russian peacekeeping contingent, deployed in the area under the same agreement, to intervene. 

Karabakh's de facto foreign ministry, meanwhile, said "a group of saboteurs from the Azerbaijani armed forces" crossed into Karabakh-administered territory and "committed an armed attack on a patrol car of the passport and visa directorate" of the Karabakh police, killing three officers and wounding another. 

This incursion represents a violation of the trilateral agreement, it said. 

Armenia's foreign ministry supported that version, adding that the police vehicle that was attacked was on its way from Stepanakert to villages inside Nagorno-Karabakh and that there was nothing in it besides documents and a service pistol. It dismissed as "absurd" Baku's accusation of personnel and weapons being transported from Armenia to Karabakh. 

Azerbaijan has long made such claims, including that Armenian and Karabakhi forces have continued to lay mines since the 2020 war that ended in Azerbaijan's victory.

The International Court of Justice, the top court of the United Nations, ruled on February 23 that Azerbaijan should ensure movement on the blockaded Lachin corridor. In its ruling it rejected Azerbaijan's request that the court demand new measures related to allegations that Armenian forces are continuing to plant land mines on Azerbaijani territory. 

A day before the clash, Azerbaijani media reported that an Azerbaijani soldier had been killed when a mine "planted by Armenians" blew up (the location of that incident was not reported).

Azerbaijan's defense ministry said the March 5 incident demonstrates the need for establishing Azerbaijani checkpoints on the Lachin corridor. 

This demand was issued recently by President Ilham Aliyev in parallel with moving back from Baku's demand for the establishment of a seamless transportation link from mainland Azerbaijan to the Nakhchivan exclave through Armenia known as the "Zangezur corridor."

Karabakh's foreign ministry said that the timing of the "attack" — four days after the most public yet meeting between Azerbaijani and Karabakhi representatives — indicated that there was no point in negotiations. 

"Through its actions Baku is openly demonstrating its rejection of talks as a means for resolving any issues," it said.

John Horan is Eurasianet's Caucasus editor.

"The Lachin corridor begins after crossing the border." Comments from Baku

March 6 2023
  • JAMnews
  • Baku

Azerbaijan comments on events in Karabakh

Azerbaijan is commenting on events in Karabakh that took place on Sunday, March 5. A clash between the soldiers of the Azerbaijani Armed Forces and Armenian military formations left dead and wounded on a detour road of the the Lachin corridor. According to Azerbaijani experts, official Baku should establish a checkpoint on the border with Armenia. “Only by blocking the border with Armenia can Baku can stop all illegal arms trafficking between Armenia and illegal gangs on the territory of Azerbaijan,” political observer Haji Namazov noted.


  • Georgian parliament considers draft “on foreign agents”, journalists lose accreditation
  • Two video stories about the life of people in NK after the blockade of the Lachin corridor
  • First official contact between Baku & Khankendi – “The start of the process is encouraging”

It was too early to draw conclusions from contacts with Karabakh Armenians through the mediation of the Russian military commandant’s office, Elkhan Shahinoglu, head of the Atlas analytical center, said.

“In the post-war period, the Azerbaijani army fought on the border with Armenia in response to provocations and captured strategic heights. But if shots are fired in Azerbaijan itself, in Karabakh, then I think the scale of the provocation is larger. The separatists, relying on the support of the Russian military, dared to go on the offensive against the Azerbaijani Armed Forces,” the political scientist said.

Shootout in Karabakh between Azerbaijani soldiers and police of the unrecognized republic of NK; all details known at the moment

In his opinion, the goals of Azerbaijan have not changed after the second Karabakh war:

“These goals can be described in several points:

separatists must be disarmed;
break the military connection between Armenia and the Karabakh separatists, and for this it is necessary to create border and customs posts at the end of the Lachin road;
in two years, Russian military personnel must leave the region.
But the course of events shows that Baku cannot postpone the realization of its goals for the future. Settlement of Lachin and Shusha should begin this year.

Azerbaijan cannot afford to repeat the mistakes of the recent past. The safety of the residents of Karabakh and eastern Zangezur must be ensured. And this requires the neutralization of all elements that create such threats,” Shahinoglu said.

He also noted that yesterday’s statements by the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan contain a clause on the need to establish a checkpoint on the Lachin road:

“Obviously, the state structures of Azerbaijan are in solidarity with society on this issue. There is no other opinion on a checkpoint on the Lachin road. Installing an X-ray scanner at the checkpoints of Russian peacekeepers is useless and pointless. If this is not under the control of Baku, then ammunition and mines will continue to come from Armenia.

The repetition of the demand for a checkpoint in official statements suggests that such a decision has already been made by Baku, and a clause will appear in the near future.

Of course, this is not an easy task. On the one hand it is necessary to solve the military-technical side of the matter, on the other hand to avoid a collision with the Russian peacekeeping contingent.”

Azerbaijani politician and a leader of Republican Alternative opposition party, Natig Jafarli, commented on what happened on March 5 in Karabakh and suggested steps to be taken by Azerbaijan:

“Firstly, it becomes known that for months Armenia and the self-proclaimed regime have been telling tales about a “blockade”, but there are numerous alternative roads, and the Armenians use these roads with the direct organization and participation of Russian “peacekeepers”.

Azerbaijani analyst Shahin Elkhanoglu claims that Karabakh Armenians continue to arm themselves

Second, despite the brazen statement of Sergey Lavrov that the agreement of November 10, 2020 does not provide for the establishment of checkpoints, a checkpoint on the Lachin road must happen.

Is Azerbaijan governed by the November 10 statement? We do not have internal laws, the Constitution?! The requirements of the Basic Law of Azerbaijan on the protection of borders should not be fulfilled only because of a piece of paper not ratified by the Parliament? What is not in the tripartite statement should be regulated by the laws of Azerbaijan and its Constitution.

Third, the agenda of the Azerbaijani parliament should include the issue of the immediate withdrawal of “peacekeepers” from the territory of the country, because the Russian contingent is only engaged in the defense of the unrecognized regime, and does not fulfill its direct duties.

The Kremlin does not understand soft language. Parliament must necessarily adopt such a law, and given that the president has two months at his disposal to approve the laws adopted in the Milli Majlis, Russia must begin to fulfill its obligations during this two-month period. Otherwise, if the Azerbaijani state structures are unable to return to Khojaly, if the peacekeepers prevent the establishment of a checkpoint on the Lachin road, if they prevent contacts between Baku and Karabakh citizens of Azerbaijan of Armenian origin, the law must be signed, and the state must begin the process of withdrawing Russian soldiers from its territory.”

According to Armenian sources, the court ordered Azerbaijan to stop the protest on the Lachin road

According to political observer Haji Namazov, the tripartite statement of November 10, 2020 has nothing to do with the issue of protecting state borders:

“The trilateral statement refers only to the Lachin corridor. This corridor begins after crossing the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and fully belongs to the territory of Azerbaijan. This explains why Russian peacekeepers serve exclusively in Azerbaijan.

In other words, the Lachin corridor does not interfere and should not interfere with the protection of the state border by Azerbaijan. You pass the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan and find yourself on this notorious corridor.

Azerbaijani experts have long been talking about the existence of alternative roads connecting different points of the Lachin corridor with the region densely populated by Armenians in Karabakh. Only by blocking the border with Armenia can Baku can stop the entire illegal circulation of weapons between Armenia and illegal gangs on the territory of Azerbaijan.”

https://jam-news.net/the-lachin-corridor-begins-after-crossing-the-border-comments-from-baku/

Countries Real and Imagined: Chris McCormick on Creating His Own Armenia

LITERARY HUB  

March 6 2023

“I was not—and had never been—the only one comparing imagination to reality.”

VIA UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS
By Chris McCormick

 

In the capital city of a former Soviet republic, under the chandelier-scattered light of a hotel chain’s lobby, I stun the bellhop by speaking his language. “You’re Armenian?” he asks, and he looks so much like my cousin’s teenage son back in Los Angeles—the same ancient and boyishly disproportionate eyes and nose—that I want to squish him in a hug. “I’m half,” I explain, the first of many such explanations I’ll offer, to the first of many such strangers with my family’s face.

By the time we arrive at my room on the 12th floor, the bellhop and I have agreed to an arrangement: during my stay in Yerevan over the next two weeks, he won’t speak a word to me in English. “Lav,” I say, meaning good, one of only about a hundred words I can speak with any confidence. I promise to tip once I exchange my dollars for Armenian dram, but Davit—“Like David,” he says, starting our language lessons at the toddler level—refuses.

Even the idea of a transaction occurring between us seems to offend him, as if he were not an employee of the hotel, but a helpful stranger offering a hand, or a long-lost friend recognized across a vast and crowded pavilion, or someone even dearer to me than that.

I was in Armenia to research a novel I’d already written, to see a place I’d imagined all my life. My book, The Gimmicks, is set in a fictionalized version of my mother’s Soviet Armenian hometown, where a family wrestles with the legacy of the Genocide after one of their own is recruited by extremists intent on bringing the Turkish government, however violently, to justice.

Only after I finished the book and sold it to a publishing house, in that suspended moment between signing the contract and finalizing the manuscript, when every possibility of love and anguish was as tangible as the forthcoming book itself, did I arrange to make the trip. When the plane began its final descent, somewhere between Paris and Yerevan, I felt suddenly ill. What if every detail I’d imagined was a false one, if every scene I depicted was wrong? Who did I think I was, anyway, inventing a place that didn’t need invention? As the plane descended, I spiraled. I would have to scrap the book, it was obvious, and start from scratch.

It was possible the real Armenia would bear no resemblance to my own.

I calmed myself by thinking of my mother—I was being a baby, after all. In 1975, when she immigrated to the United States from then-Soviet Armenia at the age of nineteen, she had flown from the same airport I now approached. What had she imagined, standing at the gate with a suitcase in her grip? Certainly not a white husband from the American Midwest, not a pair of half-Armenian children, not one of them growing up to write books in a language she didn’t yet speak, to imagine his own version of her country, to arrive in the place she’d left behind—the very same spot—without her.

I’d been imagining Armenia for a long time, though I knew much of my early imagining had been muddled and wrong. I was four or five when I first heard my family members tell stories of the 1915 Armenian Genocide, and the gruesome facts of that event grew intertwined, in my mind, with the details of my mother’s otherworldly childhood. I pictured the violence taking place on the quiet streets of her hometown; I pictured her at my age, hiding from Turkish soldiers, though the genocide had occurred forty years before her birth.

Time and place grew confused in my imagination—maybe because the crimes, I was told, had never been punished. I found it difficult to grasp that the Armenia my mother called home was only a sliver of the Armenia it had once been, or that my mother was the granddaughter of the genocide’s victims, growing up in a country hundreds of miles away from the deportations and the murders.

In my imagination, my mother’s childhood converged with history into a swirling mess of achronological images called Armenia: massacres and forced marches; the rubble aftermath of the earthquake that killed my uncle’s sister; my grandfather’s illegal tailor shop; Soviet machinery and ancient shepherds; the shadowed plains beneath Mount Ararat; my mother and her childhood friend, who still sent kiss-stained letters back and forth across the world; my mother in the knee-deep snow; my mother, my age, climbing the apple trees that sprouted, somehow, from the silver smokestacks of a textile factory in the radiant dawn light.

After winning the Nobel Prize for Literature in 2017, Kazuo Ishiguro delivered a lecture that included a profound rumination on the link between fiction and memory. His parents had taken him from Japan to England when he was five, and by the time he began to write, he had yet to return. “My Japan was unique,” he says, “and at the same time terribly fragile, something not open to verification from outside that drove me on to work… What I was doing was getting down on paper that world’s special colors, mores, etiquette, its dignity, its shortcomings, everything I’d ever thought about the place, before they faded forever from my mind. It was my wish to rebuild my Japan in fiction, to make it safe, so that I could thereafter point to a book and say, Yes, there’s my Japan—inside there.”

Was this why I’d waited so long to travel to Armenia? Was this why I’d set my novel there in the first place? Only after getting down on paper the special colors of the world I’d been imagining—for the five years spent writing the novel, yes, but also for all the years of my life—was I ready to see the other Armenia, the real one. I hoped so, anyway.

My claim to the country was flimsy, after all, my remove from it even greater than Ishiguro’s from Japan. It was possible—likely, even—that my increasingly hazy imaginings would never seem as true to others as they felt to me. It was possible the real Armenia would bear no resemblance to my own, and in supplanting the place of my imagination would prove its falseness, unbearably, once and for all.

The first few days in Yerevan, I felt a certain dissonance, a disorienting kind of recognition. So much in the city—from the beautiful stonework on the grounds of the central square, which reminded me of the rugs I grew up playing on, to the familiar feasts of lavash and salted cheese and fresh tomatoes at cafes on Abovyan Street—revived my own memories of home, that place far from Armenia which I had no need to imagine, knowing it intimately. I began to speak with increasing confidence in Armenian. I felt I had come a long way in order to travel not very far at all.

One day early in my trip, over small cups of strong coffee at an outdoor cafe, I met with my mother’s cousin, Hatchik. Family lore has it that he tried and failed to convince my mother not to leave Armenia, more than four decades ago. Now he’d heard I was in the country, and he wanted to meet me. Hatchik is in his seventies, and on the day I met him a heatwave roiled across the continent. He would invite me to his apartment, he said, if not for the lack of air conditioning. Besides, when his wife died, she left a mess. I tried to offer my condolences, but my aunt—who’d traveled with me to help translate—was laughing. Hatchik’s wife had died forty years ago.

Hatchik asked about my other half, and I thought he meant Mairead, my fianceé, who had come to Armenia, but was off that day on her own adventure. But Hatchik meant blood—where did my father come from? “Irish,” I said. “Whiskey,” Hatchik said, and that was the end of his curiosity about the man my mother loves.

Hatchik was there to talk, and since I can’t speak Armenian nearly as well as I can understand it, I was glad for his stories. One of them went like this: Before his wife died, she and Hatchik would go to parties and come home with completely different kinds of information. She would ask him if he saw the crystal dish the hosts had purchased for the sweets, or the new stemware their drinks had been served in. But Hatchik had noticed none of that. “I came home talking about the short way two old friends had spoken to each other, belying a hidden tension,” he said, “or the way a wife had placed a hand gently on her husband’s arm when he reached for another glass of cognac.”

“You sound like a writer,” I said, and my aunt translated. Then we were talking about Saroyan—“Bravo,” Hatchik said, when I expressed my love for My Name Is Aram—and the injustice of Pushkin’s worldwide fame compared to Toumanyan’s relative unknown stature. “But who cares about fame?” Hatchik said. “A writer is interested only in his origins. That’s why you’re here, isn’t it? A writer wants to know, at every level, where it is he comes from.”

His words were on my mind a few days later when I visited the Temple of Garni, a first-century pagan temple restored in 1975 by a process called anastylosis, a method of architectural restoration that uses as many of the original stones as possible. Where the Garni restorers had to use new materials, they chose blank stones that stood out next to the ancient ones, the difference between the materials stark. They wanted visitors to be able to discern between the original and the added. In this way, I could see exactly what had been salvaged, and what had been supplied.

When Hatchik said origins, he meant genealogy and geography; he meant blood. But as I compared the spongy touch of the ancient basalt to the smooth faces of the blank stones, I considered the combination of memory and imagination I was really there to investigate. A kind of inventive anastylosis, memory and imagination—only I wasn’t sure which was the original, and which the support.

I felt I had come a long way in order to travel not very far at all.

The question followed me. A week into our trip, we left Yerevan for my mother’s hometown. The road to Kirovakan was a neatly combed part, one hundred kilometers long, in the russet valleys of summertime Armenia. Thin poplars lined the road on either side like pickets, and the distant hills remained fixed, the way objects in the distance stay true. The signs along the road had been updated: the Kirovakan of my mother’s time, and of my novel’s, has been replaced with Vanadzor. As we drew nearer, and as the elevation increased, the golden plains softened into lush and craggy vistas. A far-off, stone-walled village loomed in the hills, and Mairead—the only other person in the car who’d read my nascent book—nudged me to look. The village reminded her of one I’d written.

Was it pleasure I felt, or relief? Some aspect of my imagination had broken through to reality, and I felt a strange sense that I was returning to a place I had never been.

My aunt’s brother-in-law, Goryun, the brother of my uncle in Los Angeles, a painter I had grown up admiring, was behind the wheel. It was Goryun’s apartment we’d be staying at, and when I tried to thank him for the inconvenient trip—he’d driven the two hours to our hotel in Yerevan, only to turn around and bring us the two hours back—he waved my thanks away like a petty insult. He spoke no English, but his meaning was clear. Goryun was bald except for a dark, meticulously trimmed mustache, and the bridge of his nose was strong and angular. I thought the word “chiseled” just as my aunt explained what Goryun did for a living: masonry. “Those tiles in the central square in Yerevan,” my aunt said, “he did those.”

Halfway between Yerevan and my mother’s hometown, Goryun pulled the car over at a market called Gntuniq Bakery. For an hour in each direction, there was nothing but valley grasses and mountainous landscape, dotted every now and then by a village in the distance. We had seen people selling watermelons and corn along the side of the road, but Gntuniq Bakery was no small roadside affair. With its bright awnings and glistening rows of parked cars, it reminded me of the kind of park-and-browse enterprise I’d grown up visiting in desert towns between Los Angeles and Las Vegas.

Inside was the bakery itself: a mile-long display of pastries, breads, boregs, sweets, and traditional sandwiches. Beside and beyond the counter were shelves and shelves of market goods—beverages and spices and candies and the like. But the main attraction was up front, as soon as you walked in. If I hadn’t known what a tonir was before seeing the clay ovens—if I hadn’t written a character using one into my novel—I might’ve worried for the lives of the bakers. Two smooth grey mounds rose from the floor to the height of the baker’s navel, each with an opening at its peak just wide enough for that same baker to topple inside, which is exactly what several men were doing when we entered the store.

After rolling and loading dough onto a cushion held in one hand, each baker approached the tonir and swung headfirst into it, holding onto the lip of the oven with his free hand and balancing his upside-down body by splaying his legs in the air. What he was doing inside the oven—slapping flat dough onto the piping hot inner walls—was invisible from where I stood. All I could see was a pair of legs emerging from a smoking hole, as if from a crater in the ground. Forget Ishiguro and Saroyan—I thought of Dante.

But the bakers—the performers, I want to say, because I wasn’t the only one aiming my camera at them while they worked—didn’t seem damned. They dove and posed their legs in wild shapes, like skateboarders at the edge of the half-pipe. They winked at the audience as they sauntered between the table where they rolled the dough and the tonir, and back again.

As we drove into Vanadzor, the gray sky threatened a storm over the green hills; throughout my bleached childhood in the Mojave Desert, my mother often told me she grew up in a place so green and gray she was teased for smelling like the rain. I’d had one of my own characters teased with the same strange insult, and I’d given another a job at the now-abandoned factories that loomed above us. I pictured the man I’d invented walking the potholed road below my feet.

But where was the statue of Kirov in the city square, so central to my characters’ childhoods? Obliterated since independence, maybe? (I asked, but it had never existed). Where was the apartment complex—the tallest building in the city—on whose rooftop my characters confessed their secrets? No roof stood out from the others as a likely spot. And why had I taken my characters to the Black Sea on the Georgian coast instead of nearby Lake Sevan, that turquoise cleft in the Ararat plain?

The map said Vanadzor, but Goryun and the locals still called it Kirovakan. As far as I could tell, this refusal on the population’s part to update its lexicon had little to do with a rigor-mortis grip on Soviet loyalties, but rather with the city’s uncanny sense of being frozen in time. The cause of that sensation occurred on December 7, 1988, when a convergence between the Eurasian and Arabian tectonic plates brought Kirovakan to the ground and sent my cousins—Goryun’s nieces—to America. More than thirty years later, I could still see the damage to the city: empty lots where buildings had once come down, roads split like old leather upholstery. A population cut nearly in half, from 150,000 in 1979 to 82,000 in 2016.

Compared to sunny, bustling Yerevan, Kirovakan was overcast and strikingly still, silent and easily mistaken for bleak, but beautifully surrounded by the hiddenite green of forested hills. When we arrived at the apartment building where Goryun lived with his wife, Gyuli, we found a nondescript, Soviet-era complex, and I followed Goryun up an echoing stairwell carved out of the building itself, concrete and poorly lit, the steps fissured and fairly creased.

But when we arrived at the apartment—pristine hardwood floors covered in ornately colorful and handmade rugs, Ionian columns abutting a bay window, an oil painting of flowers bursting from a vase that I recognized as the work of Goryun’s brother, my uncle in Los Angeles—the whole of Kirovakan seemed to shift and brighten.

We took a walk through the city, stopping first at the storefront where my grandfather had owned and operated a private tailor shop. I cupped my hands and looked through the glass panes. The place was empty, but my aunt drew vivid pictures in my mind: the sewing machines lined along the center of the floor, the pin-cushioned dummies, and my grandfather’s office in the back where he would meet with Soviet officials, charming them—bribing, I inferred, but couldn’t confirm—in order to keep the business running.

My mother had told me about her father’s business, about how she and her sister would hide the equipment when an official came around snooping. But in my muddled imagining, I’d pictured the secrecy happening at their own home, not in some storefront on the main thoroughfare of the city. The reality turned my grandfather—whom I’d known only vaguely for the last years of his life, when he suffered from Alzheimer’s—into someone more brazen and influential than I’d imagined.

The rhythm of this undertaking was impossible to plot out or predict, and how we danced to it was how we lived.

For twenty blocks or so, we traced the long walk my mother would take as a girl to her music school. The buildings themselves were less interesting to me than the story my aunt told of my mother’s strut: with her instrument—a heavy lap-harp called a qanun—wedged under her arm, she let her chin lead the way, putting on an un-girlish air of unapproachability and business. In my novel, I’d described a girl walking through Kirovakan with her instrument—a backgammon board, as it were—wedged just so under her arm, and I smiled at the coincidence of my mother appearing, however accidentally and obscurely, in my own imagination.

Finally, I was beginning to escape the cereal-box game of comparison I’d been playing. Far more interesting than what I’d got “right” and what I’d got “wrong” were the surprising harmonies I was starting to hear between the two worlds, these two Armenias in my mind. At my mother’s grade school, a small building with a lobby downstairs and classrooms above, I imagined my characters dragging their soaking boots out of the rain and up the steps, nearly running into my mother as a girl at the top of the stairwell. My aunt called me over to her. She had discovered a series of class photos from the 1960s hanging on the wall and pointed out the children and teachers she remembered, looking for my mother’s face.

Watching my aunt take photographs of the photographs, it occurred to me that I was not—and had never been—the only one comparing imagination to reality, memory to the present. We all do this, in one way or another, all the time. By writing a novel, I had made the process external, but it was a common task: to negotiate the imagined with the experienced, the remembered with the re-encountered, the original with the added-on. Constant but syncopated, the rhythm of this undertaking was impossible to plot out or predict, and how we danced to it was how we lived.

Back in Yerevan, I said goodbye to the bellboys, the cleaning crews, the bartenders, and the front desk clerks who rallied around Davit’s mission to help me learn the language. They asked about my stay, and I wanted to tell them what I’d seen: an uncle I’d never met throwing his arm around me like a son… a shot of mulberry vodka at a picnic table outside an 11th century monastery… the staircase on the other side of a blue gate where my grandfather used to sit with a dog and smoke… my aunt dancing with her sister-in-law, thirty years after the earthquake that made them housemates… a local woman on the streets of Kirovakan, curious about my looks and my limited language, following me for blocks and blocks…my book, imperfect but more than mine… my mother, who was not there, and everywhere.

But I’d said enough. On paper, I’d gone to fact-check my fiction, to verify the details in a story I was telling. In the end, though, just the opposite was true. I hadn’t gone to test the accuracy of my storytelling, but to measure how well I’d listened.

From “My Armenia: Imagining and Seeing.” by Chris McCormick, published in We Are All Armenian: Voices from the Diaspora, edited by Aram Mrjoian. Copyright © 2023. University of Texas Press. Published with permission of the author. All rights reserved.

Biden is being played by Azerbaijan by Michael Rubin

March 6 2023
OPINION

On Sept. 27, 2020, on the 100th anniversary of the Ottoman Turkish attack on the newly independent Republic of Armenia, Azerbaijan attacked the Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. While initially unsuccessful, the local Armenian defense forces collapsed after Turkish Special Forces and F-16s joined in. Before both sides accepted a ceasefire, Armenians lost control of half the enclave they ruled.

At the time, the U.S. presidential campaign was in full swing. Joe Biden issued a statement castigating President Donald Trump for mismanaging the crisis. "While he brags about his deal-making skills at campaign rallies, Trump has yet to get involved personally to stop this war. The administration must fully implement and not waive requirements under section 907 of the Freedom Support Act to stop the flow of military equipment to Azerbaijan, and call on Turkey and Russia to stop fueling the conflict with the supply of weapons and, in the case of Turkey, mercenaries," Biden said.

If only Biden 2023 had the moral clarity of Biden 2020. Azerbaijan talks today not only about completing the ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh but also about conquering Armenia proper. Rather than stop the flow of military equipment to Azerbaijan, Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken not only defy the Freedom Support Act to send more weaponry to Azerbaijan but also seek congressional approval to send upgraded F-16s to Turkey.

PREVENT 'SECOND ARMENIAN GENOCIDE': CHRISTIAN GROUP URGES BIDEN ADMINISTRATION TO TAKE ACTION

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev plays Biden like a fiddle. So long as he tells diplomats behind the scenes that he is interested in peace, Biden refuses to cut off his flow of military equipment. This is backward. Biden should calibrate incentives to peace, not to negotiations. To do otherwise incentivizes insincere adversaries to engage in the process but never reach peace. If Aliyev is sincere about peace, he will renounce territorial ambitions, cease eradicating Armenian cultural heritage, and stop the deliberate starvation of more than 100,000 people for the crime of being Christian.

The provision of weaponry also belies a fundamental question: What for?

This goes to the second false assumption underlying Biden’s policy. Azerbaijan’s lobbyists insist that Azerbaijan stands against Iran. They describe Azerbaijan as a pro-Western oasis in a neighborhood threatened by Iran and Russia. In reality, Azerbaijan collaborates with both. It seeks an Iran-Azerbaijan-Russia trade corridor, partners with Russian oil firms in the Caspian Sea, and swaps gas to give Iran an outlet to Europe.

True, Azerbaijan also works with Israel. Israel and Azerbaijan have a long arms-for-energy partnership, and Azerbaijan enables Israel to listen into Iran and perhaps even infiltrate the country. Here, though, it simply repeats the strategy of Turkey, playing both sides to maximum advantage.

Armenia today is a democracy, tilting ever more toward the West. Azerbaijan is one of the world’s most autocratic and corrupt regimes. That Biden in action if not in rhetoric sides with the latter against the former suggests that Biden based his 2020 criticism of Trump not on principle but on political opportunism.

The truth is both Trump and Biden are equally wrong. If Biden wants to be remembered as better than Trump, perhaps he should not replicate the worst of his policies. It is time for a principled policy in the South Caucasus, one based on reality and human rights concerns rather than wishful thinking and arms contracts.

Michael Rubin (@mrubin1971) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner's Beltway Confidential. He is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/opinion/biden-is-being-played-by-azerbaijan