Category: 2023

Ashot Tadevosyan

I was introduced to Ashot Tadevosyan through my friend Angela Asatrian via Instagram. Angela has a movie and book out called The Armenian Spirit. She had posted a video of Ashot singing, and it caught my attention. This young man, who is an exceptional singer, also served during the 2020 Artsakh War. 

Ashot was born in Armavir in the village of Garagerd and studied at the Armavir Arts School. Two months after he was drafted, the Artsakh War started and changed his life forever. Ashot suffered a great deal and grieved the loss of many friends. He was angry after the war when he learned that so much of Artsakh had been given away. He became very concerned, and his love for his nation and his people grew.

Ashot in the hospital

Injured during the war, he spent months in the hospital. He was unable to walk and used a wheelchair to get around. Fortunately, he has since recovered and is now able to move around freely. Ashot said that he did not allow what happened to him to break him. He used his strength to motivate himself and fully recover. 

Ashot was always proud to be Armenian, but he was not as nationalistic until after serving in Armenia’s Armed Forces. “The Armenian spirit in me was not as strong as it is now,” he confessed. He realized just how precious his homeland is. He promised himself that he would always defend Armenia, not just at the borders, but by spreading Armenian culture.

Ashot performing at an event

Ashot is a student, a singer, as well as a music teacher who instills the love and appreciation for Armenian culture within his students. His students learn about Komitas and other great Armenian composers. Learning about our influential and historic leaders and artists lays the groundwork for new artists and leaders to emerge. 

Ashot stated that no matter what, he will never lose faith and hope in the homeland. He said that no one has the right to lose faith in Armenia and Artsakh or not to think about how they can be of service. During this challenging time, he says everyone must do whatever is necessary to help. Ashot believes that we have to unite and help our fellow Armenians. 

Thank you, Ashot, for being an inspiration to the entire Armenian nation. May you continue your amazing work, and may all of your dreams for the homeland become reality.

The war in Ukraine has disrupted global supply chains, creating significant complications for transit routes crossing the Russia-Europe border. The world economy, still reeling from COVID-19, found itself in another crisis. Yet, even before the pandemic and the war in Ukraine, the primary sea transit routes connecting Southeast Asia with Europe, like the Suez Canal, were congested due to the growing cargo volumes. As one of the rising stars of the global economy, India was looking forward to establishing alternative routes to reach Europe. In 2000, India, Iran and Russia signed an agreement to launch the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) to connect India with Europe via Iran and Russia. Three main routes were identified to connect India with Russia: via Iran and Azerbaijan, via Iran and the Caspian Sea and via Iran-Turkmenistan-Kazakhstan. According to the initial plan, the cargo should enter northern Europe from Russia, creating an India-Europe route that circumvents the Suez Canal.

However, the war in Ukraine and the complete rupture in Russia-West relations brought the realization of this plan into danger. As the new cold war disrupts Russia-West economic and political relations, any large-scale transit of cargo passing the Russia-Europe border looks too risky for the international logistic and insurance companies. At the same time, India’s need for additional trade routes to reach Europe circumventing the Suez Canal remains valid. In parallel to the discussions around INSTC, Iran in 2016 put forward a new international transport corridor project, Persian Gulf-Black Sea, which should connect Iran with Europe via the South Caucasus. The negotiations were paused during the COVID pandemic, but all potential participants of the project – Iran, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria and Greece – expressed their interest in participating.

In recent years, India invested in the Iranian port of Chabahar, viewing it as a focal point to reach Central Asia via Afghanistan circumventing Pakistan. The 2021 takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban made the transit via Afghanistan challenging. However, India continued its efforts to modernize Chabahar Port and received the US sanctions waiver for its investments. Currently, Chabahar does not have access to the Iranian railway network, but Tehran plans to bring the railway to Chabahar. As India looks for additional routes to reach Europe, circumventing the Suez Canal and avoiding the negative impact of Russia-West confrontation, the Persian Gulf-Black Sea corridor fits well into these plans.

The corridor itself may connect Iran with Georgia via either Armenia or Azerbaijan. Armenia and Azerbaijan have railway and highway connections with Georgia, and Azerbaijan has a railroad up to the Azerbaijan-Iran border. There is a missing link of some 165 kilometers inside Iran (the Rasht-Astara line) to connect Azerbaijani and Iranian railways. In January 2023, Russia and Iran agreed to launch the construction with Russian funding. Azerbaijan also has a highway connection with Iran.

Armenia does not have a direct railway connection with Iran. In November 2021, Azerbaijan closed the main Armenia-Iran highway in the Goris-Kapan section, forcing Yerevan to construct an alternative road to reach the Iran border, which cannot serve large-scale transit cargo transportation. There is a functioning railway from Yerevan up to the Armenia-Nakhichevan border in Yeraskh, and Nakhichevan has a railway connection with Iran via Julfa. However, as Armenia-Azerbaijan peace negotiations are at an impasse due to the maximalist position of Azerbaijan, no international transit project may rely on that possibility. 

However, if an Iran-Azerbaijan-Georgia route may seem more realistic from a purely logistical point of view, geopolitics tells another story. Iran-Azerbaijan relations are at a historical low, given the Azerbaijan-Israel growing defense and security cooperation and Azerbaijan’s criticism against alleged violation of rights of Azerbaijanis living in Iran. Iran uses Azerbaijan’s territory to reach Russia, and providing additional leverage to Azerbaijan will not serve Iranian interests. India also may have reservations about putting Azerbaijan into the India-Europe route. Azerbaijan is not India’s enemy but cultivates friendly relations with Pakistan and is a strategic ally of Turkey, which under President Erdogan has pursued an anti-Indian stance. At the same time, the emerging Pakistan-Turkey-Azerbaijan alliance does contribute to Azerbaijan-India relations. Thus, for Iran and India, Azerbaijan is not a preferable way to connect Iran with Georgia and Europe.

However, geopolitical considerations are not enough to convince states and multinational logistic and insurance companies to invest billions of dollars on a project which depends on the narrow alternative road connecting Goris with Kapan in the mountainous Syunik region of Armenia. To become a transit country for the India-Europe transit route via Iran and Georgia, Armenia needs new highways connecting it with Iran and Georgia. 

The “North–South” project, the 555 kilometer Bavra-Meghri highway, which should connect the Armenia-Georgia and Armenia-Iran borders, started in 2012. Paradoxically, only 35 kilometers of the highway were finished during the past 11 years; construction continues on the Talin-Gyumri section, which connects Yerevan with the Georgian border. However, nothing has been done along the Yerevan-Meghri part besides constructing the 20 kilometer Yerevan-Artashat section. The Artashat-Meghri part is divided into three subsections: Artashat-Sisian, Sisian-Kajaran and the Kajaran-Iranian border. Recently, the government announced a Kajaran-Iranian border section tender, and the winner will be announced this spring. The EU promised to provide up to 700 million euros for the Sisian-Kajaran part, and negotiations are underway regarding the construction modalities.

Meanwhile, the Artashat-Sisian section (around 170 kilometers) remains in the initial projecting phase. If Armenia wants to be part of the India-Europe transit route, it should significantly accelerate its efforts to finish the southern part of the road connecting Artashat with the Iranian border and the northern section connecting Gyumri with the Georgian border. Given the extensive experience of Indian companies in taking part in large-scale infrastructure projects abroad and India’s interest in launching the India-Europe transport corridor route via Iran and Georgia, Armenia should start negotiations with India to discuss the involvement of Indian funding and Indian companies into the North-South project.

ANCA Government Affairs Director Tereza Yerimyan making the case on Capitol Hill for aiding Artsakh and holding Azerbaijan accountable.

WASHINGTON, DC – The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) – in grassroots outreach, legislative meetings, appropriation requests and Congressional testimony on Capitol Hill – is rolling out Fiscal Year 2024 (FY24) foreign aid priorities aligned with the survival of Artsakh and security of Armenia in the face of escalating threats by Turkey and Azerbaijan.

The ANCA is asking House and Senate appropriators – particularly those that serve on the State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs subcommittees, to fund direct humanitarian aid programs in Artsakh, to prohibit continued US military aid to Azerbaijan and to hold the Aliyev regime accountable for its war crimes, anti-Armenian aggression and ongoing blockade of Artsakh. Policy priorities for Artsakh, Azerbaijan and Armenia are provided below.

Artsakh

Starting in Fiscal Year 1998, Congress began sending direct US aid to Artsakh in the form of maternal health care, clean drinking water and life-saving demining by the HALO Trust. The ANCA is making the case that, in the wake of Azerbaijan’s 2020 attack, and to address the crisis arising from Azerbaijan’s prolonged blockade of the region, this aid program must be meaningfully expanded to meet the humanitarian and recovery needs confronting the families of Artsakh – estimated at well over $250,000,000 – helping them rebuild their lives and resettle in safety upon their indigenous Armenian homeland.

While encouraged by language in the FY23 Consolidated Appropriations Act mandating the Department of State in consultation with USAID prepare a humanitarian assistance strategy to support those impacted by the Artsakh War, the ANCA is requesting that Congress ensure that this strategy is delivered and implemented in order to meet short-term humanitarian needs and support a long-term investment in Artsakh. In terms of the FY24 bill, the ANCA is requesting $75 million for Artsakh:

Refugee Relief: $20,000,000
Food Security: $15,000,000
Energy Security: $10,000,000
Education: $10,000,000
Healthcare: $10,000,000
Water/Sanitation: $5,000,000
Rehabilitation: $3,000,000
Demining/UXO: $2,000,000

Azerbaijan

The ANCA continues to communicate its outrage over the Biden Administration’s reckless and irresponsible decision to continue US military aid to Azerbaijan in the wake of Azerbaijan’s 2020 attack on Artsakh, its assaults and occupation of sovereign Armenian territory and its ongoing blockade of Artsakh. The ANCA is making the case that sending US military aid to Baku – including Section 333 (Capacity Building), Foreign Military Financing and International Military Education and Training – materially adds to Baku’s equipment stores, tactical abilities and offensive capabilities, and frees up state resources for renewed cross-border action against both Artsakh and Armenia. In addition to the material impact the provision of military assistance has had on Azerbaijan’s capacity to wage its war of aggression against the Armenian people, the continuation of US military assistance is viewed by Azerbaijan as a green-light for renewed aggression against Armenia and Artsakh.

In light of Azerbaijan’s ongoing blockade of Artsakh and the humanitarian crisis it has created – which the Administration has noted undermines the prospects for peace in the region – the ANCA contends that the Administration should strictly enforce Section 907 and that Congress, for its part, should rescind the President’s authority to waive this provision of US law and enact statutory prohibitions on any new US military or security aid to Azerbaijan.

Armenia

The ANCA is explaining to legislators, new and old, that Armenia – an ancient Christian nation deeply rooted in Western democratic values – has, despite the crushing economic impact of Turkish and Azerbaijani aggression and blockades, stepped forward as an ally and partner for the United States on a broad array of complex regional challenges. Armenia is a member of NATO’s Partnership for Peace, and the Armenian military has been among the highest per capita providers of peacekeepers to US-led deployments, including those in Afghanistan, Iraq, Lebanon, Kosovo and Mali. Today, given the existential regional threats to the Armenian homeland, the ANCA is pressing policy-makers to urgently prioritize the security and viability of Artsakh and Armenia above domestic and reform agendas.