Contra Costa Times, CA
June 15 2005

Relish? Bun? Casing? Where’s a wiener’s soul?

JOHN BIRDSALL: ALWAYS HUNGRY

There’s a dented poignancy about hot dogs, a scrappy rust-belt charm.
A hot dog can be the perfect food to celebrate summer’s quiet
nostalgia, evocative as the mosquito hum of a portable radio tuned
to baseball, the feel of a scarred redwood picnic table against your
elbows or the smell of a vinyl patio umbrella in the sun.

Drive down Oakland’s Third Street near Market — close to the port —
and you can see what’s left of a once-thriving community of wiener
stands, carried off by the rising tide of condo lofts and retail.

But on a recent afternoon, only two carts shelter along the shady
side of Third Street. At the corner of Martin Luther King, in front
of Markus Supply hardware store, Frenchie’s flaunts a faded poster
for Vienna Beef franks. Further on, just around the corner from the
entrance to the Charles P. Howard docks, West Hot Dog is a cart of
tarnished quilted stainless steel, partly obscured by potato chip bags
clipped to display trees, racks of chewing gum and plastic ice chests
packed with soda cans. A medium hot dog with everything (including
pickled jalapenos and a thick smear of mayonnaise) is smoky and very
tender, intensely gooey, sweet and tart.

Tasty, but you have to look elsewhere for the East Bay’s hot dog soul.

It’s hard to imagine anyplace more richly nostalgic than a barbershop
that’s become a hot dog stand, but Sam’s Dog House on San Pablo Dam
Road in El Sobrante looks brand new, thanks to an open-ended renovation
that has remade the place with stark white walls, a ketchup-and-mustard
color scheme and plastic picnic tables.

It’s been more than 20 years since barber Sam Lesti put away his
clippers and took up a pair of spring-loaded tongs, remaking Sam’s
Barber Shop as Sam’s Dog House. Mike and Renee Rowland bought the
business in 1997 when Lesti retired, but longtime employees Donna
Fellman and Pat Tulley have been assembling dogs at Sam’s almost
since the beginning.

The place has the feel of an informal community center. On a recent
afternoon, a customer stopped in for a Chili Dog, chatting with
Fellman across the room about his daughter’s graduation from junior
high. “That’s why I’m still here,” says Fellman of the customers
she’s come to know. “They’re all like family to me.”

A Sam’s Chili Cheese Dog is a rich confection on a Melamine plastic
plate: A Millers brand wiener plastered with mustard, under a ladle
of canned chili con carne, diced onion and a thick welter of grated
sharp cheddar. You eat it with a fork and knife, the bun soaking
up the chili’s gravy the way shortcake soaks up strawberry juice,
while little strings of melted cheese collect on your chin. It’s
sloppy and delicious.

But even after two decades of dousing dogs with chili, Sam’s feels
like a newcomer. There’s a deeper strain of East Bay hot dog culture,
tarnished and charming as a set of 1940s cufflinks.

No place exudes such a heady whiff of weenie tradition as Glenn’s
Hot Dog, quite literally in the shadow of the filigree metal arch
marking the entrance along MacArthur Boulevard of Oakland’s Laurel
neighborhood. It’s a tiny diner whose roof turns up along the street
facade like some well-loved ball cap’s bill; inside it’s varnished
knotty pine, boomerang-pattern Formica and a pop fountain dispensing
RC Cola and Tahitian Treat punch. Glenn’s is pure, concentrated,
grilled-onion-and-fry-oil-scented nostalgia.

But with a price tag of $3.50, the Jumbo Dog is pure 21st century —
it’s a thick Millers wiener, with mustard, relish, a drift of white
onion and a couple of ripe, soft tomato slices tucked in. Too bad
the bun is stale: A killing lapse.

A big part of the East Bay’s wiener nostalgia is tangled up in the
contentious history of an Oakland family. In the 1920s, Armenian
immigrant Kasper Koojoolian was hawking frankfurters in a Chicago
park; in 1930, he moved to Oakland and set up a wiener stand in north
Oakland. By 1939, Koojoolian was churning out Oakland weenie stands
as fast as a sausage grinder spits out forcemeat. But just as in the
opening act of some Shakespeare tragedy, family bickering compelled
the wiener king to split his realm in three: Koojoolian’s original
Kasper’s, a spin-off spelled “Casper’s” and a rogue stepdaughter’s
brazen play for authenticity named the Original Kasper’s. Even in
the 1940s, hot dog joints were elbowing each other for the crown of
wiener nostalgia.

These days, the unoriginal Original Kasper’s at 44th and Telegraph
(the little triangle-shaped stand, with its neon chef trailing a
string of franks) is a holy relic of the old-time urban wiener —
and a moldering one. It’s been closed since 2002 (a note on its
Web site promises a reopening after unspecified repairs that don’t
appear to have begun). It’s safe to pronounce the Original Kasper’s
unofficially defunct.

But the Kasper’s that traces its lineage straight back to Koojoolian
— the one on MacArthur Boulevard in Oakland (filled with cops and
seniors on a recent afternoon) — keeps the wiener magic alive. Built
in 1961, it’s a gem of mid-20th century design. It’s got big jawbreaker
chandeliers, caramel-colored terrazzo floors and juicy striped
wallpaper in lemon, pink grapefruit and tangerine. The place is corny
and sophisticated, elegant and shabby — and the wieners are perfect.

They’re made of beef, with natural sheep casings; the taste is smoky,
salty and garlicky. A regular hot dog with everything is a Chicago
frank simplified: mustard and sweet relish, and slices of tomato and
white onion wedged between dog and bun like garden edging. The bun
is soft and scant, just right.

The weedy sourness of the unripe tomato (and the peppery fragrance of
its seeds) works on the wiener like a squeeze of lemon on an oyster,
taming its salt, giving it an aromatic presence, even over the brash
acidity of yellow mustard.

Kasper’s cousin Casper’s has had a parallel evolution, with onion and
tomato slices, mustard and relish, and buns as soft and collapsible
as a slice of steamed sponge cake. The decor in several of Caspers’
11 restaurants has a faded midcentury classicism that reminds you of
its homonym, with multi-colored vinyl stools in Froot Loops pastels
and signs with big ’60s-style graphic icons (a pot of mustard,
a slice of onion, a whimsical curving wiener).

The big difference at Casper’s is that wiener, which contains pork
as well as beef. It’s pale, with a tender, almost creamy texture and
pork’s nutty sweetness. It’s striking, old-fashioned and delicious —
as different from the traditional Chicago-style dog at Walnut Creek’s
Stadium Pub as you could imagine.

Owner Richard Sherman seeks to be the East Bay’s wiener proselytizer,
spreading the news of the authentic Chicago hot dog. In his Stadium
Pub sports bar, amid a tangle of high tables, TV sets flashing with
a confusion of games, in an atmosphere of mismatched bar stool
authenticity, a Chicago Dog looks just right in its red plastic
basket. It bristles with relish and diced onion, with tomato and
cucumber slices, under a thick pickle spear.

The Vienna Beef dog (flown in from Chicago along with the poppy seed
buns) is fat, with a thick, crisp skin. It nearly drips with rich,
heavy juice when you bite into it, and it’s powerfully saline (thanks
in part to a sprinkling of celery salt). That bun is so soft that
handling it compresses it into a kind of compact sheath.

It’s terrific — but unless you grew up in Chicago, crowding into
Demon Dogs under the Red Line El tracks near DePaul University, or
hanging out on the concrete picnic tables out front of Jansen’s on
the South Side, it’s all wrong, exotic rather than evocative.

Nostalgia is the most personal of self-indulgences. Especially when
it’s smeared with mustard.

The Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS (FJC), Russia
June 15 2005

Shavuot Celebrated in Armenia
Wednesday, June 15 2005

YEREVAN, Armenia – For this year’s celebration of the holiday Shavout
in Armenia, the ‘Mordechai Navi’ Jewish Community Center of Yerevan
hosted a communal celebration.

This year’s celebration was met with a healthy turnout of local Jews,
who were eager to mark this important event in the history of the
Jewish people and Judaism. The festivity commenced with a prayer,
led by the Chief Rabbi of Armenia, Gersh Meir Burshtein. The Jewish
leader then took this opportunity to explain the meaning of the Giving
of the Torah to the keen participants.

In accordance to Jewish tradition, he then gave a reading of the Ten
Commandments given to the Jewish people that day at Mount Sinai.
Participants in this festive event then enjoyed a special treat
usually offered available to them at this time of the year – a
delicious kosher lunch comprised of traditional milk dishes.

The Jewish community of Armenia is a member of the Federation of
Jewish Communities of the CIS and Baltic Countries.

Azeri leader vows to preserve stability, continue development

Azad Azarbaycan TV, Baku
15 Jun 05

[Presenter] The New Azerbaijan Party held a street march from the
20 January underground station to Qalaba Square on the occasion of
Salvation Day today. The march, which was joined by more than 50,000
people, ended with a rally on Qalaba Square. The chairman of the New
Azerbaijan Party and Azerbaijani president, Ilham Aliyev, who joined
the demonstration, said the work being done by the organization he
is leading would ensure stability and development of the country.

[Correspondent over video of thousands of people gathered on Qalaba
Square] The New Azerbaijan Party held a street march from the 20
January underground station to Qalaba Square on the occasion of the
12th anniversary of Salvation Day today. Along with rank-and-file
members of the party, senior government officials representing the
party also took part in the demonstration, which was held under the
motto – In the name of a powerful Azerbaijan under Ilham Aliyev’s
leadership.

The arrival of the head of state and chairman of the party, Ilham
Aliyev, at Qalaba Square came as a surprise to many demonstrators.

[Video showed Ilham Aliyev walking through a crowd, shaking hands
with supporters and waving his hand]

After recalling the changes that have taken place in the country over
the last 12 years and the historic moments of June 1993, the head
of state said Azerbaijan had turned into a state which is capable of
saying its word in the international arena.

Touching on the Nagornyy Karabakh problem, President Aliyev said
Azerbaijan had already overtaken Armenia by many parameters and would
never come to terms with the loss of its lands.

[Ilham Aliyev shown addressing the demonstration] Azerbaijan has the
initiative in the negotiating process, political initiative is also
in our hands, law is on our side, the economic potential is in our
hands, the military might is on our side and the Azerbaijani people
will liberate their lands.

[Correspondent] The head of state said that in order to ensure
sustainable economic development it was necessary in the first place
to preserve the established stability. He noted that the Azerbaijani
people would respond to those interested in undermining stability in
the country themselves.

[Aliyev] Development must be continued in Azerbaijan. And the main
precondition for this development is the stability that we have managed
to establish in the country. We are safeguarding this stability and
we will continue to do that in the future too. And if someone wants
to undermine this stability, they will receive a due response from
the Azerbaijani people.

[Correspondent] The president said that our policy is based on the
will of the Azerbaijani people and repeated that a state supported
by its people is capable of progressing and developing. He added that
no power can divert the Azerbaijani people from this path.

According to the New Azerbaijan Party officials, although about 20,000
were expected to join the rally, more than 50,000 people eventually
took to the streets.

Tajik newspaper looks at “conflict of interests” between Russia and America

Najot, Dushanbe
2 Jun 05

In an article entitled “Andijon in the shadow of Kyrgyz developments”,
a member of the Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan, Hikmatullo
Saifullozoda, says that the collision of Russian and US interests
appears to have reached a new high. He said the USA had expressed
concern over Uzbek government forces firing at protesters in
Andijon. The following is an excerpt from the article by the head of
administration of the Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan, Hikmatullo
Saifullozoda, published in the Tajik newspaper Najot on 2 June 2005;
subheadings as published:

Conflict of interests: sine qua non

Recent developments inside the CIS countries and beyond are seen by
most of analysts and political scientists as a natural and inevitable
phenomenon, although these developments have been more or less
varied. Meanwhile, the foreign media, especially the Russian media,
in their reports indicate that most of the events of the last three
years at different locations signify a gradual erosion of the area of
Russian interests. If we scrutinise the issue from the geopolitical
standpoint we will encounter a collision of greater interests in
separate regional developments. It is quite apparent from the changes
in relations and positions of the leaders of the Balkans, the Middle
East, Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and the Central Asian countries
with regard to the superpowers before and after important events. And
this is not a secret. Although the US and Russian leaders often declare
themselves to be strategic partners, but it is unlikely that their will
have no disagreement over their nations’ present and new interests.

Ferghana Valley: heartland of crisis

The Fergana Valley is a region which has for decades been attracting
the attention of many researchers and international political
circles. Though it was divided between three countries – Uzbekistan,
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan – during the Soviet period, they could never
change the spiritual and political nature of this region. That’s why
any development in this region is bound to influence the neighbouring
countries.

The political situation which lately seemed unstable in the Ferghana
Valley, the southern part of Kyrgyzstan, has inevitably brought about
a serious change in the country. The leadership of our neighbouring
country – Kyrgyzstan – has left the country after a popular uprising,
officially refusing to retain the power. This act has been differently
evaluated from different sides. Some circles considered it to be “Askar
Akayev’s weakness in his inability to immediately use force”. But most
of political scientists and analysts appreciated the intellectual
ability of the former Kyrgyz president and his good decision to
prevent bloodshed. [Passage omitted: Akayev has given an interview
to the Russian newspaper Argumenty i fakty]

North-south conflict in Kyrgyzstan

In another point, the former president expressed concern about the
relations and resistances of his country’s southern and northern
regions. The analysts also consider the difference in the morale
and living conditions of people of the north and the south as one of
significant factors of political conflicts in this country, which in
turn depends on the unique spiritual atmosphere in the Ferghana Valley.

Neighbouring regimes unpleased with Kyrgyz developments

Now a question arises as to why most authorities in the neighbouring
countries did not formally declare their position on the situation
in Kyrgyzstan. And in a diplomatic manner they proclaimed it to be
“an internal affair” of the neighbouring country, only referring to
one side of the argument, that is calling it either good or bad. From
these statements one can only conclude that they did not expect
such developments in Kyrgyzstan. Perhaps they may not tolerate this
development or may not be pleased with change of power in this manner
in the country.

Pointing the finger at Islamic extremism

However, the protests in Andijon and other parts of Uzbekistan drew the
attention of political and diplomatic circles of countries far removed
from Uzbekistan and those near it, especially the USA and Russia. The
reason for this attention is clear: the problem of Russia’s ongoing
presence and the expansion of American influence in the Central Asia
depends on the outcome of developments in the Ferghana Valley. As
I have stated in one of my analytical notes, Russia’s diplomacy had
been failing for the last few years, but this was not much felt in
regard to America. This kind of developments in different regions,
especially in the CIS countries, can in no way satisfy the Russian
political circles. Therefore the Russian authorities have in many
cases evaluated the Andijon protests as “foreign intervention”. But
they do not clearly say whose intervention this was. They only speak
about Islam and Islamic extremists and these groups are mainly blamed
as possible culprits.

Russia’s support of Uzbek regime

Similar statements have also been made during the developments in
Kyrgyzstan, which is a way of diverting the public opinion from the
main causes of the events. I think the developments in Kyrgyzstan
have to some extent turned out in Russia’s favour. Therefore Russia’s
indirect support for the current Uzbek government’s position in
resolving the Andijon issue is apparent. The Russian Foreign Ministry
right from the beginning of protests in Andijon expressed support for
the government of Uzbekistan. Uzbekistan was also reportedly one of
the main topics of discussions between Vladimir Putin and Nursultan
Nazarbayev in Chelyabinsk. The chairman of the committee of the Russian
parliament on the CIS countries Andrey Kokoshin considers the use of
force to suppress the protests in Uzbekistan right and justifiable.

We remember that when the crowds in Kyrgyzstan had apparently been
destroying shops and stores, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin,
who was in Armenia at the time, advised against using force and said
that all problems should be solved in a peaceful way. But he quickly
recognised the new government.

Firm stance, tough measures

Islom Karimov in one of his press conferences on the Andijon protests
said that nobody could prevent “me from doing things in my chosen
way”. Attempts to repeat the Kyrgyz developments in Andijon are
apparentý Without financial assistance from abroad these groups
could not prepare so seriouslyý A third force may take advantage of
efforts by some countries to impose democracy on Central Asia. This
force is radical Islam.

There have been two kinds of positions towards the protests in
Uzbekistan. One deals with the events being instigated by organised
extremist groups and the other is about violation of human rights by
government agencies. The authorities of Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan
and Tajikistan have clearly shown their positions towards the first
stance. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, the candidate for
the vice-presidency of Kyrgyzstan Feliks Kulov, and Afghan Foreign
Minister Dr Abdollah.

Tajik civil war a good lesson

But it is also necessary to bring up some points made by Secretary
of Security Council of Tajikistan Amirqul Azimov in one of his
interviews. He said that developments in Tajikistan in 1992 turned
out differently. Had the Tajik authorities taken a firm stand and
tough measures to eliminate “a bunch of extremists” at that time,
there would have been no five years of bloody civil war.

Had it not been the very Amirqul Azimov who was responsible for
the investigation of the incidents in 1990s as a prosecutor? And
proceeding from the interests of his group and his circles put the
seal of “regionalism and Islam” on those incidents, was not he thus
exacerbating the situation? Today it is apparent from his words that he
still cannot accept the methods of consolidation and tolerance. These
words come at the same time when the president of Tajikistan, Emomali
Rahmonov, has for many times called the civil war an imposed one. And
the sides of to the peace agreement are loyal to their commitments.

[Passage omitted: excerpts from speeches by a representative of the
Uzbek party, Ozod Dehqonlar, Nigora Hidoyatulloh]

Do not look for `foreign hand’

The authorities of most of the CIS countries, especially in Central
Asia, should search for ways of solving socio-economic problems of
their countries and ensure justice and the truth at elections instead
of “searching for foreign involvement”.

Unfortunately as it is visible, the experience of Tajikistan and its
peace agreement has not become a lesson for some of the Central Asian
countries and separate circles of the country. And they still try to
use forefathers’ methods to tackle problems. Some of them do not seem
to understand that the course of developments is indispensable and the
geopolitical orientations can not remain invariant. The governments
also cannot keep their political orientation unchanged, but the change
of orientation is useful only with keeping national interests intact.

Greater reliance on Russia

The Uzbek authorities now rely more on Russia’s support, though they
have several times changed their position in the past. The USA,
Britain, Germany, the European Union and the UN have asked for an
international commission to enquire into the incidents in Andijon. But
the Uzbek authorities have not accepted the international request.

Why did Uzbekistan undertake fully independent policies in the recent
past and assist foreign investors in getting domineering positions
in the Central Asian market? And why now it is not pleased with the
presence of the Western countries in the region?

Why do Russia and Uzbekistan consider Islam as a threat and a factor
of instability in the region? Why does not the international community
isolate Uzbekistan like Belarus? This and many other questions have to
be answered. But I believe that the conflict of Russian and American
interests in the region has reached a new level. Although the US
government voiced concern over the shooting at the demonstrators in
Andijon, its decision that Islom Karimov has to undertake political
reform in his country and make “his regime more liberal” comes
too late.

Hikmatullo Sayfullozoda

Head of administration of the Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan

–Boundary_(ID_T3wXywCXCK9qPQJyFriTXA)–

Armenian FM Oskanyan Calls on Turkey to ‘Open Borders’

Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
June 15 2005

Armenian Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanyan once again called on the
Turkey to lift ‘the blockade of Armenia’ at a news conference at the
national press club in Washington a few days ago.

Oskanyan argued that the opening of the border will positively impact
the situation in the region. However he did not say anything about
the Armenian occupation. Armenian forces have occupied the 20 percent
of Azerbaijani territories. About 1 million Azerbaijanis have been
refugees for more than a decade. Armenia does not recognize Turkey’s
and Azerbaijan’s national borders.

The Armenian foreign minister repeated the position of the official
Yerevan and its readiness to normalize relations with Ankara without
preconditions. However Oskanyan had rejected Turkish PM Erdogan’s call
to establish a joint commission to discuss the historical disputes.

Armenian citizens can visit Turkey by plane only. More than 50,000
Armenians illegally work in Istanbul.

The Armenian foreign minister Oskanyan called on the White House to
influence Turkey ‘effectively’ in its relations with Armenia. However
Turkey and Azerbaijan with Georgia are among the most strategic allies
of the US in the region while Armenia is the only Russian partner in
the Caucasus. Armenia furthermore develops close relations with Iran.

Davut Sahiner, Caucasus expert, says “the Armenian politicians are
not aware full about the balance of the power in the region”. Sahiner
says Armenia needs Turkey, not Turkey needs Armenia:

“75 million-Turkey is strong enough and does not need Armenia while
Armenia has been isolated in the region. Armenia has been become a
Russian military base. Georgia and Azerbaijan has developed good
relations with the West, Israel and Turkey. Armenian economy and
political life has been getting worse and worse. The population has
declared from 3 million to 2 million. And they are still talking about
preconditions. They are still speaking about the events of a century
ago. The Armenian ‘leaders’ miss today, they abuse the problems. They
do not want to solve anything. They go to Washington or to Brussels and
try manipulate or provocate the Western leaders against Turkey. The
Armenian politicians have always forgotten that they live with the
Turks not with the Western peoples. They have to respect the peoples
in the region. Otherwise they can never find respect.”

Minister tells NATO Azerbaijan worried about arms redeployment to Armenia

Azad Azarbaycan TV, Baku
15 Jun 05

[Presenter] Azerbaijan has informed NATO of its concerns over
the redeployment of Russian troops to Armenia. Speaking at the
organization’s summit in Brussels, Azerbaijani Defence Minister
Safar Abiyev said talks were currently under way to remove bases
from Armenia.

[Correspondent over video of NATO headquarters in Brussels] By moving
its bases from Georgia to Armenia, Russia is breaking the balance
between parties to the [Nagornyy Karabakh] conflict. Defence Minister
Safar Abiyev said that this caused serious concerns for Azerbaijan
and noted that he had raised this issue at a NATO summit in Brussels
last week.

[Abiyev shown speaking to camera] We condemn this and have expressed
our categorical protest. Addressing the NATO summit, I openly said
that Azerbaijan is seriously worried about the redeployment of several
pieces of Russian military hardware from its bases in Georgia to
those in Armenia.

[Correspondent] Abiyev said Azerbaijan was in talks over the withdrawal
of these bases from Armenia. The defence minister said it was a little
premature to say what countries were involved in the negotiations
and where the troops might be further redeployed. The results of the
talks would become known after some time, he added.

Safar Abiyev also denied reports suggesting that US military forces
might be involved in safeguarding the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan [BTC]
oil pipeline. He said Azerbaijan did not need foreign bases.

With regard to the frequent cease-fire violations [on the Karabakh
front], the general said the Armenian armed forces were receiving an
appropriate response, but added that the situation on the front-line
was still difficult.

[Abiyev] The situation is difficult. As you may know, we are at war.
Exchanges of fire happen every day. There are casualties on both sides,
as you know. How else could it be given that we are at war?

[Presenter] Despite that, the defence minister urged the population
of front-line districts not to worry. Azerbaijan has a strong army
which is capable of defending its people, the minister said.

German lawmakers to press Turkey to confront Armenian massacre
By STEPHEN GRAHAM

AP Worldstream; Jun 15, 2005

German lawmakers have prepared a cross-party motion urging Turkey
to re-examine the disputed killing of an estimated 1 million ethnic
Armenians about a century ago, according to a copy obtained by The
Associated Press on Wednesday.

The motion, to be put to a vote in parliament Thursday, demands that
the German government press Turkey to investigate the killing and
foster reconciliation with Armenians, including “forgiveness for
historical guilt.”

Parliament is “convinced an honest historical review is needed and
represents the most important basis for reconciliation,” the motion
said. “This is particularly true in the framework of a European
culture of remembrance which includes openly debating the dark side
of each nation’s history.”

Armenia accuses Turkey of genocide in the killings as part of a 1915-23
campaign to force Armenians out of eastern Anatolia. At that time,
Armenia was part of the Ottoman Empire.

Turkey remains extremely sensitive to the issue. It denies that the
killings were genocide, says the death count is inflated and that
Armenians were killed or displaced along with others as the Ottoman
Empire tried to quell civil unrest.

Officials from the governing Social Democrats and the main conservative
opposition said they expected strong support for the motion _ partly
because it makes no mention of Turkey’s bid to join the European
Union, according to Christoph Bergner, an opposition lawmaker who
helped draft it.

Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder has been one of Turkey’s strongest
backers in its membership bid, but the opposition _ which hopes to
win expected elections later this year _ has argued that it should
be offered a lesser “privileged partnership.”

Still, “freedom of expression should be viewed as a minimum standard
for Europe,” Bergner said.

A draft debated in the German parliament in February drew criticism
from Ankara’s ambassador in Berlin, who said it contained “prejudices,
factual errors … and one-sided expectations.”

The final version said “numerous independent historians, parliaments
and international organizations describe the deportation and
destruction of the Armenians as genocide.”

But Bergner said it avoided adopting that language as its own in an
attempt to encourage Turkey to allow a proper discussion.

The motion calls for the establishment of a commission of Turkish,
Armenian and foreign historians to examine the killings and complained
that Turkish authorities were stifling debate at home.

It said reconciliation could help normalize relations between Turkey
and Armenia, which have no official diplomatic ties, and bring
stability to the Caucasus region.

The motion said Germany had a special responsibility to bring Turks
and Armenians together because the German Reich had turned a blind
eye to the actions of its Ottoman ally during World War I, and urged
the German Foreign Ministry to release its records of the period.

There is no alternative to fair elections

Aghavni Yeghiazarian – HETQ

Stepanakert

June 8, 2005

“I will definitely participate in the elections. I’ve already decided
whom I will vote for,” said the 23-year-old Nelly Galstyan.

“To vote or not…there’s no difference. Alone I cannot make a change,”
replies 67-year-old Greta.

“I won’t go to vote. I don’t believe in what they say and I advise
everybody to boycott the elections because everybody lies,” said
46-year-old Vlad Hagopian.

“I will vote for nobody. Elections are a show. Workers vote for the
sake of some upper-class people,” said 41-year-old Flora Ohanian,
in anger.

“I will vote for a neighbor of mine. He’s a nice, humble, good-looking
guy. Probably he needs my vote,” said 76-year-old Gena Balian.

The Nagorno Karabagh Republic (NKR) will hold parliamentary elections
on June 19. For the first time, the parliament will consist of deputies
based on proportional representation of parties, as well as directly
elected candidates.

This is based on the new NKR election law, established in December
2004, which formally allows parties, as such, to participate in the
elections. Under this system, the new parliament’s 33 deputies will
include 22 from party lists, and 11 who are directly elected. “We have
formed 274 local electoral commissions, and every step has been taken
to ensure this is done according to the law,” said Sergei Nassibyan,
Chairman of the NKR Central Electoral Commission (CEC).

“These commissions, as well as the CEC, each consist of 5 members,
3 of which are appointed by the President, 2 of which are appointed
by the National Assembly’s parliamentary factions.”

Eight parties are competing in the system of proportional
representation. These consist of six individual groups – the “Azad
Hayrenik” party, the “Artsakh Democratic Party (AZhG),” the “Moral
Rebirth” party, the NKR Communist Party, the “Our Home is Armenia”
party, and the “Social Justice” party – as well as the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation-“Movement ’88” coalition. Those actively
carrying out propaganda work are Azad Hayrenik, AZhG, and the
ARF-Movement ’88 coalition.

The remaining parties, it may be said, are not really participants. For
example, it proved impossible to meet with Moral Rebirth chairman
Murat Petrosyan, as he had traveled to the US for five days and there
was no one else from the party able to meet with journalists. Instead
of an interview, Mr.

Petrosyan suggested the reading of excerpts from an earlier
interview he’d given to the press. Meanwhile, the Communist Party
and Social Justice did not even answer phone calls placed to their
offices. Meeting with Our Home is Armenia chair Ararat Petrosyan
was also a major production, because the party’s offices were
always closed, and the girl who answered the phone told that he was
unavailable because he was constantly in meetings with the electorate
and could be found out on the streets. And, in fact, that’s what
happened: I found Ararat Petrosyan on the street, but he had nothing
to say; he showed me his campaign booklets, told of some election
bribes and pressure tactics, then asked that I not publicize these.

In reality, this contest is between Azad Hayrenik, AZhG, and the
ARF-Movement ’88 coalition. The AZhG (Formerly ZhAM – Artsakh
Popular Union) has a 5-year history and currently holds a majority
in parliament. “We were founded in Karabakh more than 5 years ago,
and we hold the majority of seats in the parliament. We serve for our
country, our people, and democratic and political reforms.” said the
party’s current chairman and NKR Minister of Education Ashot Ghulyan.

The Azad Hayrenik party was established in January 2005, but in
principles and programmatic outlook hardly differs from AZhG. Other
participants in this election say that Azad Hayrenik was established,
in fact, by the ruling authorities, who understand that AZhG, on
its own, will probably not succeed in gaining a majority in the
new parliament.

“Azad Hayrenik was established by a group of intellectuals, and this
election will be our first trial. Our top issue is to reconstitute
civil society, and regardless of the outcome our goal is to bring
about free, fair, and transparent elections,”‘ said the party’s leader,
Artur Tovmasyan.

The Movement ’88 public-political movement was established in
February 2004.

During the local elections of summer 2004, and despite the efforts
of the ruling authorities, they succeeded in electing their chairman,
Edik Aghabegyan, as Mayor of Stepanakert.

“That was a major victory. The present authorities discovered that the
people don’t accept them, and didn’t elect their candidate. Meanwhile,
the people began to feel that their vote actually has value,”
said Movement ’88 vice-chairman Gegham Baghdasaryan. “The people of
Stepanakert were freed of that complex in which ‘it’s all the same –
the authorities win no matter what you do.’ During that election,
the only real force was the ARF, and it was the ARF’s cooperation
that secured our victory. We found that the ARF’s goals were very
close to ours; the ARF was also struggling for free elections –
and thence the coalition was born.”

Election Bribery in Karabagh The parties meet with the electorate,
they used paid air-time on TV, they publish their pre-election
platforms and place them in newspapers. And yet, the pre-election
“customs” of Armenia have unfortunately infiltrated Karabagh as well –
i.e. pressure tactics and various forms of election-bribery.

“Whatever they’re handing out, I’m taking. Why shouldn’t I?” said
one woman from the village of Chanakh. “But I’m unable to vote for
all of them, so I’ll end up voting for one of them.”

“Throughout all of Karabagh, they’re handing out election bribes –
in different forms and sizes. In Hadrut, they’re distributing sacks
of flour with receipts.

If the distributor’s favored candidate wins, then the recipient
villager doesn’t have to pay; if the candidate doesn’t win, then
they have to return their receipt with payment,” said parliamentary
deputy Albert Hambartumyan, who is also an ARF Central Committee
member. “They’re distributing heating fuel, and there’s talk that
it comes from the army. We have information that in Jardar, the
pro-government candidate has distributed wheat to the electorate.”

While complaints over such violations are common, not one party has
appealed officially to the courts or to the CEC, in accordance with
NKR election law.

The apparent reason is that citizens who have accepted bribes are
fearful of pressure from above and will likely say nothing about
what they’ve received, or from whom. So the political parties say
they cannot offer clear proof.

Meanwhile, inhabitants act in the following fashion: “If they’re
giving it, why not take it?”

“We don’t live well, our living standards are poor, there aren’t
any jobs. What are we supposed to do, when these deputies think of
us only around election time? If they’re giving us something, we’re
not going to shrink. Why not take something?” says Armik, a mother
with several children.

“To date, there have been no election violations recorded. I, too,
hear of election bribes, but no one has yet offered any written protest
or proof regarding such acts,” said CEC Chairman Nassibyan. “And if,
on May 9 [Shushi liberation day] or on international children’s day,
some candidates wish to give something to families of fallen fighters,
I don’t want to characterize that as bribery; it’s something that
happens here frequently.”

The word in Stepanakert is that graduating 10th graders held a
sumptuous feast at Amaras, for which financial support came from
Azad Hayrenik’s leading candidate Arayig Harutyunyan. “We organized
the outing ourselves, the students brought food from home, and
each teacher contributed 2000 dram for the occasion,” said school
principal Mrs. Minasyan. “Arayig Harutyunyan simply provided buses
for transportation. And he did so as a benefactor, for the sake
of the children. Why does it have to be interpreted as something
election-related?” Despite her repeated assertions, when I asked her
if Mr.

Harutyunyan provided such assistance every year, she honestly replied,
“No.”

Other pre-election violations come in the form of administrative
pressures placed upon candidates. “One of our party candidates works
at Karabakh Telecom.

During one of his campaign speeches, he subjected the authorities
to sharp criticism, after which he was warned that he’d lose his job
if he didn’t calm down, and that it would be a good idea for him to
resign from the party,” commented Ararat Petrosyan.

It is clear that Karabagh’s ruling authorities are assisting the
AZhG in this election. Aram Sarukhanyan, mayor of the village of
Nakhijevanik, says that during a meeting of village heads convened by
the district governor, attendees were warned that they must support
the AZhG’s candidates. He says that during previous such meetings,
he was usually complimented for his exemplary work; now, by decision
of the district governor, he has been relieved of his post.

The governor’s decision is based upon the investigation of the
district prosecutor, who has questioned the dealings of a flour-mill
Sarukhanyan owns.

In his defense, Sarukhanyan says that he is being unfairly treated
for expressing his anger over being pressured to support the AZhG
candidate, and that this is his punishment. “I said before, and I
say again, that I’m simply incapable of lending my voice to their
candidate, because at the same time candidacy has been put forth by my
[one-time] military commander. I’ve been his soldier, and I cannot go
against him now. I’m a clean, just, patriotic Karabaghtsi. I simply
can’t go against my commander, with whom I’ve fought and defeated
our enemy. And for going against the authorities’ candidate, I’m now
labeled anti-republic. Meanwhile they, who pass out bribes… aren’t
they anti-republic?”

The main electioneering parties each have their own newspaper, and
through their papers present their campaign issues. Azad Hayrenik
has its “Agounk” newspaper, AZhG has its “Hairenik” newspaper,
and the ARF has its “Abaraj.” The so-called “non-partisan” press
includes “Azad Artsakh” (a government newspaper), and “Demo,” which
seek to present the pre-election environment objectively. Although
“Demo”s editor is Gegham Baghdasaryan – a leader of Movement ’88 and a
candidate himself – Baghdasaryan says that the newspaper is trying to
maintain its neutral posture. “At present, I’m not working as editor –
that’s demanded by law. But all the same, people think I’m playing
both sides. On one hand, I try to maintain the paper’s neutrality,
so that it doesn’t become partisan. But on the other hand, I live in
this republic, and I can’t completely disappear and shy away from
contact. Our paper prints paid ads, but it also features interview
with candidates of multiple parties; this is not electioneering,
but rather, journalism,” he says. “I realize that right now, I’m
not doing my job 100 percent, and after the elections I will have to
choose – either I’m a journalist or I’m a politician. In the long run,
it won’t be possible to maintain both postures, because the reader’s
confidence toward our newspaper’s reliability will diminish.”

All parties say their overriding concern is to strengthen democracy,
and that they expect elections to be fair. In their election platforms,
the main difference concerns the negotiated settlement of the Karabagh
issue. “The NKR parliament should, at its first opportunity, delineate
our boundaries, then appeal to Armenia and the international community
for recognition as a free and independent republic,” states Albert
Hambardzumyan of the ARF. “Armenia should be the first to recognize
Karabagh’s independence.”

“Karabagh should always be with Armenia, at its side,” said Azad
Hayrenik’s Artur Tovmasyan. “I see no other path for Karabagh.”

“I consider the Karabagh problem solved,” says Education Minister
and AZhG chairman Ashot Ghulyan. “Now we must, through international
mediators, solve the remaining areas of dispute between Karabagh and
Azerbaijan. Our top issue is to gain recognition for Karabagh as a
free and independent republic.”

Each of the leading parties believes it will carry the day in the
upcoming elections. “We will undoubtedly claim the top position, I’m
certain,” says Ashot Ghulyan. Of course, all political forces should be
represented in parliament, in order to create an appropriate political
environment, but this doesn’t mean all should have equal weight,
because all do not have the corresponding political sophistication. In
our current reality, it’s most appropriate for one party to have
control over parliament.”

I believe our party undoubtedly will enter parliament, but I’m ready
to enter without a mandate as long as democracy is established within
Karabagh,” says Azad Hayrenik’s Rudik Hyusnyunts.

The fairness and transparency of these elections will be determined
by the wisdom of the people,” says Stepanakert’s Mayor and Movement
’88 candidate Edik Aghabegyan. “Unfortunately, the ruling authorities
– who should be the guarantor of fair elections – have done nothing
in this regard. All parties should focus their resources on securing
fair elections, regardless of the outcome.”

Aghabegyan’s assertions are countered by Ashot Ghulyan, who says
that “the guarantor of free elections is the political atmosphere
established during the past five years, during which everyone has been
free not only to speak as he pleases, but to act as he pleases. Our
party takes on the responsibility of ensuring fair elections;
but other parties with smaller biographies should take on the same
responsibility. Securing Karabagh’s appraisal before the international
community should not be the concern of only one political force.”

The leaders of all parties acknowledge that the outside world
attentively follows these elections, and these leaders seem to
understand that unfair elections could carry heavy consequences
for Karabagh.

HOOVER STILL IMPRESSING

By Hamlet Nalbandyan, Glendale News-Press and Leader
June 15, 2005

NORTHWEST GLENDALE — Yes, it’s only the summer, and Vigen Jilizian
is fully aware of that.

Still, even he admits his Hoover High boys’ basketball team is
capable of doing some special things next winter.

“Nobody’s going to give us a CIF ring for this,” said Jilizian after
his Tornadoes defeated archrival Glendale, 44-30, in Tuesday’s Hoover
High Summer League contest at the Tornado gym, which improved Hoover
to 3-1 in the summer.

“But our kids are working hard. I just want them to keep improving,
and we’ll see what happens.”

What’s happened so far should bring smiles to the faces of Tornado
fans. The Tornadoes competed over the weekend in the Southern
California Interscholastic Basketball Coaches Assn. Summer Classic at
Glendale Community College.

There, they defeated Pasadena Marshall handily, 59-37, in the opener
before pulling off an upset victory against powerhouse
Harvard-Westlake, 46-37.

The Wolverines won the CIF Southern Section Division IIIA title last
season and return 10 of their 14 players from that group. Jilizian
said Harvard-Westlake had a vast majority of its roster at Saturday’s
game.

After beating Harvard-Westlake, the Tornadoes then faced small-school
power Campbell Hall later that day and just lost, 50-46. Campbell
Hall went 32-0 last season and won the Division IV state title.

“I think Hoover’s going to be outstanding next year,” Nitro Coach
Steve Snodgress said. “They’ve got a lot of pieces. They have a very
strong big guy and a really good young guard.”

Indeed, the Tornadoes have talent.

The big guy Snodgress was talking about is junior-to-be Zare
Zargaryan, who finished with 11 points and eight rebounds Tuesday.

Zargaryan looked stronger and faster than last season, as did
sophomore-to-be point guard Shara Babakhanians, who finished with
nine points.

The Tornadoes also added 6-foot-4 power forward Ray Beginyan, who
finished with seven points and six rebounds, and they’ve got good
role players in Razmik Hossepians (six points) and Artash Davtyan
(five points). And best of all, all of the aforementioned key players
are all underclassmen.

“We’re only going to have three seniors next year, so eight of these
guys have at least one more year after next year,” Jilizian said.

While the Tornadoes — who finished last in the Pacific League but
still won 11 games a season ago — have the pieces to their puzzle
pretty much set, the Nitros (0-1) are still in the searching stages.

Glendale graduated its top two scorers from last season in Raymond
Dagher (14.2 points per game) and Leonard Khechumyan (12.0), which
means Snodgress is looking for a go-to player.

“We return a lot of our support group, but someone from that group
has to emerge and lead us,” Snodgress said. “We’re going to rely on
guys like David [Lee], Hamlet [Hovhanesian] and Theo [Minassian], and
two of those three have to step up in every game.”

In Tuesday’s game, there were stretches where that trio played well.

Glendale grabbed an 8-6 lead with 15 minutes left in the first half,
but then got outscored 12-0 in the next 10 minutes.

The Nitros pulled head, 24-23, three minutes into the second half,
then got outscored, 21-2, during the next 15 minutes Lee led Glendale
with 10 points and Hovhanesian added nine, all on three-pointers.
Minassian finished with five off the bench and junior-to-be center
Haig Darakjian added four.

* HAMLET NALBANDYAN covers sports. He can be reached at (818)
637-3226 or by e-mail at [email protected].
From: Baghdasarian

Armenian president, government discuss EU integration plan

Public Television of Armenia, Yerevan
15 Jun 05

[Presenter] Armenian President Robert Kocharyan held a working meeting
with members of government today. The meeting was attended by the
minister of trade and economic development, the minister of finance
and economy and the deputy foreign minister.

The meeting discussed the preliminary package of proposals for the
development of Armenia’s action plan within the framework of the
European Neighbourhood Policy. The package was prepared on the basis
of proposals from various ministries and departments.

The Armenian president was informed about the current stage of the
work and about issues covered by the preliminary document of Armenia’s
action plan.

[Kocharyan] We reached an agreement at our previous meeting that we
should prepare an action plan within the framework of the European
Neighbourhood Policy in order to develop relations with the European
Union. Now the project is ready and [Foreign Minister] Vardan Oskanyan
will probably have an opportunity to submit it as a project in the
next few days.

[Video showed the meeting]