Book Review: Resurgence of things repressed (The Daydreaming Boy)

St. Petersburg Times, FL
May 3 2004

Book review
The resurgence of things repressed
By ELLEN EMRY HELTZEL

The Daydreaming Boy
By Micheline Aharonian Marcom

“In Paradise there is no past,” observes the young Catholic, Rachel, in
Micheline Aharonian Marcom’s highly acclaimed first novel, Three Apples
Fell From Heaven. She is speaking from the grave after drowning herself
to avoid being raped by Turkish soldiers. For her, hell is the pain of
memory.

In her new novel, The Daydreaming Boy, Marcom reprises this theme, her
subject once again the Ottoman Empire’s 1915 genocide against the
Armenians. This time, the story remains in the land of the living, told
by a fictional narrator who’s looking back a half century after the
killings.

Vahe Tcheubjian – curiously, he bears the same name as the person to
whom the book is dedicated – lives in Beirut, Lebanon. He is both an
unexceptional figure and a tragic one, describing himself as “a
smallish man, a man whose middle has begun to soften and protrude, his
long toes hidden in scuffed dress shoes.” Beneath this bland exterior,
however, lies a person “undone by history.”

Vahe has lived a life of suppressing the events that scarred him and
destroyed his family. At the age of 7, his father was bludgeoned to
death and his mother delivered to an unknown fate, while he was sent by
boxcar to Lebanon and the Bird’s Nest Orphanage. There, he grew up
among what he calls the “Adams in the wasteland” – child refugees
pulled from their homes and herded together in a
survival-of-the-fittest environment.

Vahe remembers how he ached with loneliness. He wrote letters to the
mother who never replied. He cherished the weekly assembly-line baths,
a brisk scrubdown by a dour-looking matron, because it gave him the
chance to recall maternal touch.

After leaving the orphanage, he worked as a carpenter, got married. And
then, as a middle-aged man, Vahe can’t stop thinking about Vostanig,
the outcast who was sexually and physically abused by the other boys,
including himself, at the Bird’s Nest. “The stranger: He was all of us,
the damned exiled race in its puny and starved and pathetic scabbed
body,” he recalls. “How we longed to kill him.”

For years, Vahe made a habit of visiting the Beirut zoo on Sundays,
where he shared a smoke with the tobacco-loving chimp Jumba. But before
handing over the cigarette, he would poke its burning end into the
chimp’s flesh, exacting his price. If there’s any doubt that Vahe is a
deeply damaged man, this gratuitous cruelty dispels it.

Jumba and his fellow primates are an on-going motif in the book, their
captivity and behavior reflecting how Vahe perceives a hostile world. A
newspaper article datelined South Africa announces the discovery that
man and gorilla share the same brain size and capacity, underscoring
the primal connection. The metaphor threatens to overpower the story,
but Vahe is too compelling to ignore.

Vahe has learned to translate his grief and emptiness into lust,
braiding sex and violence together, as he was taught. Having been
victimized himself, he becomes victimizer, as indicated by this simple
exchange with the servant girl, Beatrice:

“Would you like a chocolate?”

“No, merci.”

“No, merci? Here, take it. I’ve bought these chocolates and I would
like for you to take it.” She is still looking at the floor and I’ve
grabbed her hand and push the gold truffles into her small hand. . . .”

But dialogue is the exception in a story built mostly on interior
monologue, using poetic, even mnemonic, devices that reflect how memory
works. For Vahe, the past returns in intermittent blasts, like power
surges traveling down the neural pathways. Through his eyes we see the
lies and obfuscations gradually fall away.

The Daydreaming Boy probes Vahe’s interior life, displaying his cruel,
hungry sensibility, and eventually locates the sources of his pain.
What remains is a man who sees himself for what he is, “the ragged
round left by absence of affection and knowing.”

– Reviewer Ellen Emry Heltzel is a book critic and writer who lives in
Portland, Ore. With Margo Hammond she writes the weekly column Book
Babes, which can be found at

“The Daydreaming Boy,” by Micheline Aharonian Marcom, Riverhead Books,
$23.95, 224 pages.

www.poynter.org

BAKU: PM of Az meets FM of Georgia

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan State Info Agency
May 1 2004

PRIME MINITER OF AZERBAIJAN MEETS FOREIGN MINISTER OF GEORGIA
[May 01, 2004, 21:28:48]

Prime Minister of Azerbaijan Artur Rasizadeh received Minister of
Foreign Affairs of Georgia Mrs. Salome Zurabishvili staying in
Azerbaijan for a visit, May 1.

Having congratulated Mrs. Salome Zurabishvili on her appointment to the
high office, Prime Minister Artur Rasizadeh noted that Azerbaijan
attaches great significance to development of political, economic and
cultural relations with neighboring Georgia. Underlining the importance
of intensifying Azerbaijan-Georgia joint economic commission’s
activity, the Prime Minister expressed satisfaction with successful
joint implementation of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan and
Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum oil and gas pipelines projects, and pointed to
their good perspectives for the region.

However, Prime Minister Artur Rasizadeh noted touching upon the
Nagorno-Karabakh conflict that destructive position of Armenia has a
very negative impact on both realization of the mentioned projects and
development of the region as whole.

Thanking the Prime Minister for the sincere meeting, Mrs. Salome
Zurabishvili informed him in detail on the fruitful meetings and talks
she had had in Baku. The Georgian Foreign Minister pointed to
Azerbaijan’s economic revival in a short period and drastic differences
in development between the two neighboring countries, and expressed
confidence in continuation of their close cooperation for the sake of
reestablishment of peace and stability in the region, fair settlement
of the conflicts and further economic progress.

During the meeting held in the sincere atmosphere, the parties also
exchanged views on a number of other issues of mutual interests.

Present at the meeting were Ambassador of Azerbaijan to Georgia Ramiz
Hasanov and Ambassador of Georgia to Azerbaijan Zurab Gumberidzeh.

Rallies Have Negative Impact on Economy

A1 Plus | 14:40:25 | 03-05-2004 | Politics |

RALLIES HAVE NEGATIVE IMPACT ON ECONOMY

Armenian capital’s mayor Yervand Zakaryan, asked by journalists at his
Monday’s news conference why the municipality denies to authorize
opposition-staged rallies, said demonstrators bar traffic and that has
negative impact on economy.

He said the rally scheduled for May 4 would be denied authorization as well.

Yerevan Mayor Speaking at News Conference

A1 Plus | 14:31:23 | 03-05-2004 | Social |

YEREVAN MAYOR SPEAKING AT NEWS CONFERENCE

On Monday, Yerevan mayor Yervand Zakaryan, speaking at a news conference,
said Northern Avenue construction would be completed in 2006 and Main Avenue
in 2007-2008.

He said 3 billion 180 million drams had been spent for urban construction
for past three months.

In his words 24,000 trees have been planted in the Armenian capital for the
last months.

Zakaryan said 100 minibuses are expected to be brought to Yerevan from
France and Italy.

Ramkavar-Azatakan Issues Statements

A1 Plus | 15:08:50 | 03-05-2004 | Politics |

RAMKAVAR-AZATAKAN ISSUES STATEMENTS

On Monday, Ramkavar-Azatakan party leader Harutyun Arakelyan told
journalists current political developments in Armenia are hobbling the
republic’s economy.

He urged opposition Justice alliance and National Unity party to enter a
long-term dialogue with the ruling coalition.

In one of its statements issued Monday, the party called on the opposition
forces to refrain from “sparking chaos in political field”.

In another its statement, the party addressed Armenian World Congress’s head
Ara Abrahamyan proposing to coordinate the Congress all steps with all
responsible parties. Otherwise, the Ramkavar-Azatakan will reconsider its
membership in the Congress.

Testing Their Faith

Newsday, NY
May 3 2004

RWANDA: A SPECIAL REPORT

Testing Their Faith
An overwhelmingly Christian country is shaken when church grounds
become killing fields

By Dele Olojede
Foreign Editor

SOVU, Rwanda – As a young girl growing up here in the hills above the
local monastery of the Benedictines, Regine Niyonsaba sometimes caught
sight of the nuns, immaculate in their white habits, heads covered
discreetly in the chocolate-brown scarves of the Belgian order.

While the nuns rarely left the monastery compound, each time Niyonsaba
saw them she dreamed of one day entering the order, living in the
impeccable monastery with like-minded sisters, and away from the
uniform wretchedness of the poverty that otherwise defined life in this
rural commune, barely five miles west of the southern university town
of Butare.

At the age of 20, she enrolled as a novice.

But five years later her tranquil world of prayer and meditation was
shattered at the outset of the Rwandan genocide of 1994, during which
the government mobilized the Hutu majority to exterminate members of
the minority Tutsi, such as herself.

Like thousands of other Tutsi fleeing the bloodbath, Niyonsaba’s family
had sought refuge in the monastery compound. But the mother superior, a
Hutu whipped up by the official incitement to murder, had invited in
the militias and local officials carrying out the genocide, saying the
presence of the refugees was a threat to her domain.

The mother superior, Sister Gertrude Mukangango, insisted that the
relatives of nuns also be expelled from their sanctuary in the
monastery’s guest quarters, knowing full well that she was sending them
to their deaths, as numerous witnesses, human rights organizations and
Belgian prosecutors would later establish. Niyonsaba’s father and
brother already had been killed elsewhere in the monastery compound in
the preceding 15 days, along with nearly 7,000 others.

And now, on May 6, 1994, under the gun of a police officer, Niyonsaba
followed her mother and two younger sisters down a footpath to a banana
grove on the far side of the compound. They were accompanied by another
nun, Sister Fortunata Mukagasana, whose relatives also were slated for
execution that Monday afternoon.

The police officer, Francois-Xavier Munyeshyaka, was in fact doing
Niyonsaba’s family a favor of sorts. In consideration for a sum of
7,000 Rwandan francs, he had agreed to shoot the novice’s mother and
sisters rather than leave their fates in the hands of the militia, who
favored the use of machetes and nail-studded clubs.

“We asked him why he was killing our families. Why? He said the mission
he was given was that no nun should be killed, but all the others must
die,” Niyonsaba recalled recently. “We buried them at the spot where
they were killed.”

Dazed from the execution, Niyonsaba stumbled back to her quarters and
locked herself in. But since that afternoon in the banana grove,
Niyonsaba knew that her days as a nun were numbered and, soon after the
genocide ended, she walked away from it all.

“Ever since,” says Niyonsaba, now 35, “I lost hope in the spiritual
life. I lost faith in my life as a nun.”

The massacre at Sovu monastery has recast the lives of many of its nuns
who survived the genocide. The trauma cut some loose from their
religious moorings and sent them to seek the less exalted experiences
of the secular life. Yet others profess even more fervor for their
faith, seeing it as the price to pay for having been spared. Nine of
the original 36 nuns were killed during the genocide. Six remain, and
the rest quit the order.

The travails of the nuns in many respects reflect the spiritual
wilderness many Rwandans inhabit today.

Ten years after the genocide, in which an estimated 800,000 Tutsi and
moderate Hutu were killed, the question of personal faith has become a
profoundly disorienting one for many in Africa’s most overwhelmingly
Christian – and overwhelmingly Catholic – country. The moral crisis
triggered by the decimation has compelled many survivors to re-examine
their relationship with the church – and with Christianity in general.

Aiding and Abetting

Some of the worst massacres occurred right inside churches and parish
compounds, many with the active collaboration of priests.

Many other priests risked everything to save lives, and more than 200
of them were believed murdered along with their parishioners. One
particularly courageous priest, Father Boniface Senyenzi, who was Hutu,
stood steadfast with the thousands who sought refuge in the Roman
Catholic Church in the lakeside city of Kibuye. He was killed, along
with 11,400 people in the church.

But many more became foot soldiers in the extermination campaign or
passively accepted its inevitability. Among the most notorious was
Father Wenceslas Munyeshyaka, the first priest to be convicted of
genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal in Arusha, Tanzania,
which is trying a few of the leaders.

In his Kigali church Munyeshyaka presided gleefully over the mass
murder, egged his congregation on to greater effort in their “work,”
and often read from a list of those Tutsi who must die. The mother
superior at Sovu, too, is serving a 15-year sentence in a Belgian
prison.

Throughout Rwanda the smashed skulls of the innocent are in church pews
still as a memorial. In the church in Ntarama, south of Kigali, more
than 5,000 perished at the hands of government armed killers. And at
Nyarubuye, the priests gave up thousands of Tutsi parishioners who
sought sanctuary at the only place they thought they could safely turn.

As a result of what many survivors see as treachery, the primacy of the
Catholic church in civic and spiritual life in Rwanda has come under
increasing strain. Estrangement from the church has pushed many into
the willing arms of evangelicals. Others appear to have turned their
backs on Christianity altogether, seeking refuge in Islam, which had
few adherents as a percentage of this country’s population of about 8
million. Yet others have abandoned religion entirely.

Accurate statistics are hard to come by in Rwanda. But experts say the
genocide has helped demystify the Catholic Church, easing the way for
many of its adherents to flock to the proselytizing evangelical
churches whose revival tents sprout like toadstools throughout the
Kigali metropolitan area.

“The evangelical Christians – the born-agains – they are growing very
fast,” says Privat Rutazibwa, a former Catholic priest who was inducted
by John Paul II on Sept. 8, 1990, when the pope visited Rwanda. “They
have attracted people who have been overwhelmed by problems and need an
external force to help them.” Rutazibwa felt compelled to quit the
priesthood but remains a Catholic, though an openly skeptical one.

Archbishop’s Response

The head of the Roman Catholic Church in Rwanda, Archbishop Thaddée
Ntihinyurwa, acknowledged a flight from the church by an indeterminate
portion of his flock. This, the archbishop hinted most certainly
reflects poor judgment.

“If they think by leaving the church they can live better lives, it’s
their choice,” he said one recent Saturday afternoon in his Kigali
office. “Christianity is not about numbers, but about those who have
accepted Jesus in their lives.”

And despicable as the genocide was, said the archbishop, and as
impermeable to Christ’s teachings many citizens proved to be, in the
end nothing that happened here in 1994 was unprecedented or even
uniquely Rwandan.

“Many have asked, how can a Christian country do this? My answer is you
can’t talk only about Rwanda; talk about human beings who have not
accepted Christ in their hearts,” Ntihinyurwa says. “There have been
genocides in other countries, and the first genocides happened in
Christian countries also, like Germany and Armenia.”

The official line laid down by the Vatican, and still followed by the
church hierarchy in Rwanda, is that individual priests, and not the
church, must be held accountable for the genocide.

Church and State

With the possible exception of the government, the Roman Catholic
Church was the most powerful institution in Rwanda. It always had been
intertwined with the political establishment. The church ran 60 percent
of Rwandan schools, even enforcing strict quotas that limited Tutsi
enrollment to their proportion of the overall population. It operated
clinics and relief services. In the rural areas, which accounted for
nearly 90 percent of the population, often the church functioned
effectively like the social services department of the government.

Until the pope ended the practice in 1990, the archbishop was a member
of the ruling council of the ruling party, whose primary ideology of
Hutu Power defined itself as anti-Tutsi, and eventually metamorphosed
into a campaign to turn Rwanda into the exclusive preserve of the Hutu
majority.

Ntihinyurwa’s predecessor, Archbishop Vincent Nsengiyumva, was a member
of the Hutu Power cabinet that presided over the genocide. (He was
killed in June 1994 in a revenge shooting by rebel soldiers, who held
him responsible for the genocide.) Church documents show that priests
even adopted the language of the genocidaires, routinely referring to
Tutsi as inyenzi, or cockroaches.

Today the church co-exists warily with the government of President Paul
Kagame, a Tutsi whose rebel Rwandan Patriotic Force halted the genocide
by defeating the army of the old regime. Several priests have been
found guilty of complicity in the genocide, and dozens remain in jail,
along with some 100,000 genocide suspects. The most senior cleric
charged so far, a bishop, was found not guilty.

“In the beginning the government blamed the church for not stopping the
genocide,” Archbishop Ntihinyurwa says. “The church defense was that
our only weapon was the word of God, and the word of God was no longer
being listened to.”

Violence in Butare

The genocide commenced in earnest after the plane carrying President
Juvenal Habyarimana was shot down on the night of April 6, 1994, as it
approached Kigali airport. But the violence took nearly two weeks to
spread to Butare province, alone of the country’s 12 prefectures in
initially resisting state-sanctioned murder.

Mild-mannered in its climate and moderate in its politics – perhaps on
account of the concentration of the country’s intellectuals at the
National University – Butare set itself apart for a while from the
genocidal frenzy radiating outward from Kigali to the rest of the
country. Opposition Hutu politicians predominated in the province,
which also had the country’s only Tutsi prefect, Jean-Baptiste
Habyarimana.

Hutu were reluctant to kill Tutsi and, so, on April 19, 1994, the
interim president, Theodore Sindikubwabo, a Butare native, visited
Butare to rally local officials. He expressed disappointment that they
were failing to carry out their communal responsibility – their
umuganda – by not mobilizing the population to de-Tutsify the
prefecture.

That same day, mass killings began throughout the region. The Tutsi
were on the run.

In April 1994, as the Tutsi of these parts were driven from their
homesteads and sorghum fields by drunken members of the interahamwe
militia, they began to funnel downhill toward the monastery, seeking
refuge. Some had family there, but most simply acted on the assumption
that the only inviolable sanctuary available to them was the house of
God.

It was not an unreasonable assumption. In all the previous anti-Tutsi
pogroms, in 1959 and then in 1961-63, there’s no record of anyone ever
killed within a church compound.

The monastery sits near the base of a series of hills. At its entrance
is a large health center. An immaculately kept garden dotted with
gazebos conveys a sense of tranquility. The administrative building
complex, where the monastery intersects as needed with the secular
world, sits at the end of the driveway. Church buildings and other
facilities are scattered around and about. And partially hidden from
view are the nuns’ quarters.

Above the monastery the hills rise into the distance, covered by pine,
stands of eucalyptus, and banana groves. The land, to paraphrase the
South African writer Alan Paton, is green and rolling, and is beautiful
beyond any singing of it.

A Malevolent Duo

The assumption by the frightened Tutsi of the inviolability of the
monastery did not count on the simmering malevolence of the mother
superior, Sister Mukagango, and her deputy, Sister Julienne Kisito.

“Our family members ran to the monastery expecting to find sanctuary,”
says Bernadette Kayitesi, a nun who also left the order in the
aftermath of the genocide. “But what happened – our mother superior was
the one who began requesting for the militia to come and kill them.”

Over the coming days, Kayitesi’s two brothers hiding in the compound
would be killed as the mother superior worked closely with the
interahamwe – “those who fight together” – to clean the refugees out of
the monastery compound. “I did not know,” Kayitesi would marvel today,
shaking her head, “how a person we thought was good came to be so
evil.”

Within two days, about 7,000 Tutsi were packed into the monastery
compound, most at the health center near the main entrance. According
to other nuns, the mother superior grew increasingly agitated, saying
the militia should get rid of the refugees and insisting that she
didn’t want to jeopardize the monastery. In interviews in Belgium
before she was convicted in June 2001, Mukangango denied collaborating
with killers. “These charges against me are false because they
attribute to me intentions I never had,” she told Belgian television.

But like many other witnesses, Anunciata Mukagasana, one of the Sovu
nuns who is Tutsi, says the mother superior acted promptly to turn the
refugees over to the killers.

“As the refugees came, her heart hardened,” she says of Mukangango.
“She worked closely with Rekeraho, who was in the monastery every day.”

For three months in 1994, Emmanuel Rekeraho was the most-feared man in
Sovu. A retired army warrant officer, he took charge of the militia and
directed the attacks on the refugees seeking shelter in the monastery.
He also was given use of the monastery’s minivan, and held meetings
daily with the mother superior and her second in command, Sister
Kisito.

“I had good relations with the sisters,” he says in an interview on
death row in Butare Central Prison. “We were working together as one.”

Rekeraho described how he coordinated repeated attacks on the refugees
barricaded inside the health center, using grenades and rifle fire, and
then directing the militia to finish off survivors with studded clubs
and cutlasses. A few hundred hiding in a nearby parking garage were
simply burned alive, with gasoline allegedly supplied by Kisito, whose
brothers were members of the interahamwe.

In his hot-pink prison uniform, Rekeraho affects the befuddlement of
someone whose actions were so extreme they were a surprise even to
himself. “In those days, people had been turned to animals,” he says.
“You should have seen the faces – just like animals.

“I accept a role in the killings, by commanding the militia who were
there,” he adds, “but I cannot accept that I am one of the architects
of the genocide.”

Rekeraho, 65, is aware that the “architects” are the only ones the
government is not prepared to grant amnesty. In 1999 he was sentenced
to die, but the sentence has not been carried out by the government
because officials are debating whether to ban capital punishment.

Refuge in Belgium

Like Regine Niyonsaba, whose family paid to be shot rather than hacked
to death, Anunciata Mukagasana fled disillusioned from the monastery,
unable to reconcile what she witnessed with the tenets of her faith.

“I couldn’t imagine that people could be killed in a place like that,
in God’s house,” she says. “The monastery was very big and it had many
hiding places. But Sister Kisito and the mother superior, they were
never merciful at all. They used ladders to check if people were hiding
on the roofs. The did not have the hearts of Christians.”

Once the mainly Tutsi forces overran the country and the genocide
ended, the sisters were evacuated to the main abbey of the Benedictines
in Maredret, Belgium. As they left the monastery, the surrounding
countryside bore every evidence of the horror. “We drove away and there
were dead bodies everywhere, by the roadside, everywhere,” Mukagasana
says. “We were just waiting for death. We could not imagine that we
would survive.”

But so distraught were many of the nuns that, as soon as they arrived
in Belgium, they started denouncing the mother superior. They were
shocked, however, by the reaction of the church authorities, who
rallied behind Sisters Mukangango and Kisito and tried to suppress any
information about their complicity.

“We were more than surprised that the church in Belgium was supporting
her – it was painful,” Mukagasana says. “The whites thought that the
mother superior was a saint, until they came here in 1995 to take
testimony from witnesses. They had thought we just hated her.”

Angered and demoralized by the attitude of the church leaders,
Scholastique Mukangira, one of the Sovu nuns, demanded that she be
allowed to return to Rwanda at once. She had lost two relatives in the
monastery massacre, forced into the hands of the interahamwe by the
mother superior. She had coped with the killings by praying with ever
more dedication, at one point, she said, directly asking for divine
intervention.

“I asked Jesus myself, ‘Do you accept that all of us should be killed,
and wipe out this order?'” she says one recent morning in the reception
hall of the monastery. ‘I know you are kind and you have power over
everything. Use your power to save some of us, so that the order might
not perish.’

“That gave me the strength to carry on. I was no longer afraid of
death. I was strengthened throughout the war that, no matter what
happened I shall be with Jesus.”

‘She Rebuilt Us’

That this serene compound was the scene of one of the worst atrocities
of 10 years ago is today not readily apparent. That nascent recovery is
the handiwork, in large part, of the current mother superior, Anastasie
Mukamusoni.

Sister Mukamusoni took over the defiled institution in 1995, rallied
the six remaining nuns to take eternal vows to rededicate their lives
to the service of Christ, admitted nine new novices and methodically
set about the task of revival.

A shy woman with a perpetually mournful look, the mother superior spoke
softly and gazed constantly downward, talking with evident discomfort
about the monastery’s progress.

“When you are building the body you have to start with the soul,” she
says. “We have to start with the renewal of our faith with the church.”

Sister Mukangira returned home and found her way back to the monastery,
where she remains today, working with the new mother superior to try to
pick up the pieces of a ministry destroyed.

“During the genocide, because of what I saw, I can say that God did not
have a role in the genocide,” she says. “And we cannot say that all
Christians failed their religion. There were many who did the right
thing.”

At this, she cast a glance at the mother superior, who looked
embarrassed and seemed to want to hide. Mukamusoni, then a 40-year-old
nun, was away on church business in the border town of Gisenyi when the
genocide came to the Sovu monastery. A Hutu, she is said to have
arranged secret convoys to take Tutsi across the border to safety in
neighboring Congo.

“She protected those who were being hunted,” Mukangira says. “And she
was the very person who called us back from Belgium. She rebuilt this
place. She not only rebuilt the monastery but she rebuilt us.”

While Mukangira has found reason to believe, and to continue life as a
nun, Anunciata Mukagasana said she had no choice but to turn her back
on the Benedictine Order.

“I just wanted to take a break from it because I would run mad if I
stayed there,” she says. Her family, which had fled to neighboring
Burundi at the outset of the genocide, had returned home, and she
wanted to care for her parents. So she cast off her habit and enrolled
in nursing school, and today she is a pediatric nurse at University
Hospital in Butare, the only one with a job in her extended family of
14, including her younger sister’s three children.

The family lives in neat but cramped conditions in the Matyazo district
of Butare, in a neighborhood of few means and multitudes of
malnourished children. In Mukagasana’s household, food is often in
short supply. “It is a life of hardship, and sometimes it’s hard to
find milk for the children,” she says with an embarrassed laugh. “The
meals are not decent, but there is no other option.”

At this, Mukagasana’s voice caught just a bit, and she asked for a
glass of water to steady herself. The living room was painted coral
blue, the best to cheer up its threadbare condition. The walls were
decorated with the inevitable portraits of Jesus, who is said to be
constance – eternal.

The portraits were an indication of the continuing hold of Christianity
on Mukagasana’s imagination. Despite everything, she said, she remained
a good Christian and believed in God, even if she no longer quite
trusted His earthly messengers.

“There are those who turned their backs on Christianity altogether,
after what they experienced,” she says. “I think to some extent they
have reason. They’ve lost everything, and it seems God forgot them. But
I go to church because whatever happened, God did not have a hand in
it.”

Besides, Mukagasana adds, “Other people died, but it was due to God’s
mercy that I survived. It was due to God’s mercy that my family was
able to escape to Burundi.”

Reason to Believe

Regine Niyonsaba did not have the luxury of her family’s company. Her
father and brother had been killed at the monastery’s health center,
and she had witnessed the execution of her mother and two younger
sisters, and buried them with her own hands. When she returned from
Belgium with several of the other Sovu nuns, she concluded that her
life had been permanently altered.

“Life at the monastery had become impossible for me,” she says. “I
couldn’t see myself praying there anymore.”

Besides, she had one 11-year-old sister, Florentina Nwambaye, who
survived the genocide, and she felt responsible for her. So she took a
secretarial job at a local school, then later, at a pharmaceutical
firm.

“One of the things that keeps me going is prayer,” says the former
novice, who packs every day with distractions to help her retain a hold
on sanity. For spiritual support, she attends morning sessions of a
charismatic Catholic community. She holds down a day job, and afterward
rushes off to the university, where she’s taking evening classes for a
degree in sociology.

“I have had no time to think about the past,” she says. “It took me a
long time to adjust. It is not easy for me.”

After a decade-long struggle, including bouts of depression and moments
of rage, Niyonsaba said she had reached an accommodation with her
faith.

“Since the passage of 10 years, instead of demoralizing myself, I
thought it was not only me who had lost relatives because of church
leaders’ role in the genocide,” she says. “I was not the only witness
to the scandals in the church. I thought God had helped me to survive.
Genocide wasn’t planned by God. He gave us knowledge, free will, to do
the right thing. God never plans for bad things to happen.”

But doesn’t necessarily prevent them, either?

Prim in a checkered custard suit with a sensible skirt, Niyonsaba
pondered the question for a moment, her charcoal-black face set off
against the stark blankness of the wall, serene in the soft glow of the
fluorescent light.

She turned slowly away, silent.

“How can a Rwandan continue to identify as a Christian?,” Rutazibwa,
the former priest, asked rhetorically regarding the endurance of faith.
“That is part of the mystery of the faith. Despite the horrors, people
always need a relationship with a supreme being.”

At the monastery, the current mother superior said all she could do now
was carry on her calling, which is to serve God. “I saw others die, but
I stayed alive,” she says. “Since I took the eternal vow, the only
thing to do was stay here and serve the Lord. That was the only way I
could pay back the gift of life that I was given.”

And with that, she rose and walked out to the garden, down a footpath,
and to a mass grave in which nine of her fellow nuns killed during the
genocide were buried. She observed a moment of meditative silence, did
the sign of the cross, and headed back to the well-ordered sanctuary of
her domain.

A Matter of faith

Once the most Catholic of all the African nations, post-genocide Rwanda
has seen a shift away from Catholicism and toward new forms of piety,
particularly Islam

Pre-genocide

Total population

7.8 million

Catholic 62.0%

Others.none 12.9

Protestant, evangelical/charismatic 24.0

Islam 1.1

Post-genocide

Total population

8.1 million

Catholic 49.6%

Protestant, evangelical/charismatic 43.9

Other/None 1.8

Islam 4.6

NOTE: Statistics vary widely due to the absence of reliable census
material; some report place current percentage of Muslims as high as 15
percent. Post-genocide figures are from U.S. Department of State and
John Hopkins University 2001 study.

SOURCES: International Religious Freedom Report 2002 Johns Hopkins
University; Cox News Service Global Security.

TV talker says pot is healing

Albany Times Union, NY
May 3 2004

TV talker says pot is healing

After he was diagnosed with multiple sclerosis in 1999, TV talk show
host Montel Williams tried a battery of prescription drugs to combat
the extreme pain in his legs and feet.
OxyContin. Vicodin. A morphine drip that left him “in the corner,
drooling.” Nothing worked.

Then he tried pot.

“I tell you that the only thing that seems to work for me and make me a
contributing member of society is marijuana,” Williams said from London
during a recent telephone interview.

Williams said he prefers eating marijuana, but in a pinch, a few tokes
can bring his pain from a “level five down to a three.”

Williams has even started a company to package and market pot in
countries where it’s legal for sick people to use.

And, he’ll be in Albany Tuesday to lobby for legalization of medical
marijuana. He said he is scheduled to meet with Assembly Speaker
Sheldon Silver, D-Manhattan, and Senate Majority Leader Joseph Bruno,
R-Brunswick.

The Democrat-led Assembly Health Committee has twice passed a bill to
allow marijuana prescriptions primarily for terminally ill patients. It
is widely endorsed by the medical community.

Nine states have passed such laws, but Bruno and Republican Gov. George
Pataki are opposed.

Williams, an ex-Marine and U.S. Naval Academy grad who says he voted
Republican or independent all his life, isn’t for legalizing marijuana
— or any other drug — for general use. But for those who are ill, his
opinion is clear.

“A doctor told me I could take up to 30 pills of OxyContin a day, yet
you’re going to tell me it’s not OK for me to take the equivalent of
one gram of pot and eat it in a cookie in the comfort of my own home?”
said Williams, 47. “Do you want a junkie or someone who’s paying their
taxes? I’ve been paying them real well for the past four years.” As of
Friday, the Powers Crane & Co. lobbying firm was no more.

After months of acrimony, founder Constance Crane and her partner since
2001, former state GOP Chairman Bill Powers, chose to go their separate
ways.

On May 1, Crane officially opened Crane & Vacco, with former state
Attorney General Dennis Vacco, who joined Powers Crane last fall, and
her husband, Jim Crane, a partner in the law firm Crane, Greene &
Parente.

Powers’s son, Matthew, will stick with dad. The firm’s clients will be
divvied up, and both firms will remain at 90 State St. It’s no secret
Republican President Bush is way behind in New York. But is he losing
some of his loyal base?

At the state Capitol last Monday to mark the Armenian Genocide Day of
Remembrance, Rep. John Sweeney, R-Clifton Park, said he hopes a
resolution he’s introduced will pass so future anniversaries will be
honored by Congress and the president, “whoever that is.”

Could Sweeney, a key Bush operative during the 2000 Florida recount,
doubt Bush will be around much longer?

“Not at all,”said Sweeney’s press secretary Demetrios Karoutsos. “Our
support for the President hasn’t changed a bit.”

The remark, Karoutsos said, likely referred to all future presidents —
whoever they are. Contributors: Capitol bureau reporters Elizabeth
Benjamin and Erin Duggan. Got a tip? Call 454-5424 or e-mail
[email protected].

BAKU: Azerbaijan-Goergia relations developing

Azer Tag, Azerbaijan State Info Agency
May 3 2004

AZERBAIJAN-GEORGIA RELATIONS DEVELOPING
[May 03, 2004, 14:50:44]

Minister of Foreign Affairs Elmar Mammadyarov met with Foreign Affairs
Minister of Georgia Mrs. Salome Zurabishvili, in Baku, on May 1,
AzerTAj correspondent learnt from the Ministry’s press-center.

The Minister appreciated Mrs. Zurabishvili’s visit as continuation of
the relations between the two countries. He noted that further
development of relationships in economic, political, trade and other
spheres has importance significance for both countries.

Having thanked for warm reception, Mrs. Zurabishvili noted that she had
supported development of relations in all spheres. Touching on
commercial-economic issues between the two countries, she emphasized
that her country was keen in dynamic development of the relations. She
stressed the importance of coordination in the upcoming NATO summit to
be held in Istanbul, in July 2004, as well as membership of Georgia in
Asiatic International Bank.

Having stressed his satisfaction with the growth of trade turnover
between the two countries, Minister Mammadyarov noted that reciprocal
reduction of tariffs on Great Silk Road to increase turnover of goods,
improvement of infrastructure might positively influence on welfare of
both countries, as well as Azerbaijanis, residing in Georgia. The
Minister expressed confidence that the Georgian side would promote in
examination of issue regarding Embassy of Azerbaijan in Georgia.

The Minister noted that he would be pleased to meet with his colleague
at the upcoming regular sitting of GUUAM Council of Foreign Ministers
due in Tbilisi, on May 17. The Minister stressed the importance of
solution of Armenia-Azerbaijan, Nagorny Karabakh conflict based on
joint efforts of international community, adding that the conflict
exert negative influence on regional cooperation.

The sides discussed other issues of mutual interest.

From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

ANKARA: A Date For Negotiations

Turkish Press
May 3 2004

A Date For Negotiations
BYEGM: 5/3/2004
BY COSKUN KIRCA

MILLIYET- Will the European Union give Turkey an exact date at the end
of this year for starting membership negotiations? Firstly, getting a
date is no guarantee that these negotiations will actually end in
membership, though the 1963 Ankara Agreement is still in effect! Under
this agreement, after Turkey’s period of preparation and transition,
the period of the customs union would be passed and this goal thereby
achieved. This way Turkey was able to largely comply with the common
trade policies. None of the countries which became EU members last
weekend could have gone so far forward in their relations with the EU.
Actually the EU countries accepted Turkey’s membership at that time.
For this reason, the acceptance of Ankara’s candidacy at the 1999
Helsinki summit was a declaration. So a date for membership
negotiations would be nothing new.

After the referendums on Cyprus, Turkey thought that both itself and
the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) should be rewarded by it
getting a date for membership. The Turkish nation is also fixed on this
expectation. If the EU doesn’t give us a date at the end of the year,
the Turkish nation will react very harshly. At this point, the EU has
two alternatives. One is to accept us as a member in good faith, and
the other is to keep Ankara in suspense for a long period of time, all
the while pushing for great concessions required for membership.
However, both of these alternatives require the EU to give Ankara a
date. I guess the EU countries can see this obligation.

Turkey should make clear to the EU countries which concessions we could
never accept, to prevent the impression that we’ve left our future in
the EU’s hands by waiting at its threshold. One firm principle is that
we can neither give up nor violate the pillars of our indivisible
state. Secondly, we will neither accept the accusations of Armenian
`genocide,’ nor apologize to them, nor give them land or compensation.
Thirdly, they shouldn’t request from us anything that would violate our
principle of secularism.

SOURCE: OFFICE OF THE PRIME MINISTER, DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF PRESS AND
INFORMATION

Genocide survivors’ descendants share grief

Press Herald, ME
May 3 2004

Genocide survivors’ descendants share grief

By BETH QUIMBY, Portland Press Herald Writer

Lorry Stillman, raised in an Orthodox Jewish home, said she never
learned about the Holocaust until she was out of high school.

Gerard Kiladjian said his Armenian parents never spoke of the Armenian
genocide when he was growing up in Syria.

Michael Messerschmidt, founder of the Second Generation in Maine, a
group for children of Holocaust survivors, said it took his German
Jewish parents three decades to begin to talk about their experiences.

But all three said they have spent a good part of their lives learning
about genocide.

They spoke about its ongoing impact Sunday at the University of
Southern Maine at a program where Jews, Armenians and a Burundian
shared their experiences.

Abraham Peck, director of USM’s Academic Council for Post-Holocaust
Christian, Jewish and Islamic Studies, called the program the first
time Armenians and Jews in Maine gathered to compare their genocide
experiences. More than 1 million Armenians died at the hands of the
Turks 89 years ago and more than 6 million Jews were murdered by the
Nazis.

“The Jews and Armenians share a lot,” Peck said.

While genocide survivors who emigrated to the United States appear to
have done well, Peck said, they suffer from post-traumatic disorders
because of wounds to their souls.

“When the crime is over, the wound heals but the mind does not,” he
said.

Vigen Guroian, a professor of theology and ethics at Loyola College,
said genocide survivors respond in two ways: with anger at God, or by
clinging to religious faith.

Renee Goodwin, an Armenian-American and aide to U.S. Sen. Olympia
Snowe, said she now understands why her grandparents, who lived
upstairs from her when she was growing up, were silent on the subject
of genocide.

“It was too new, too raw,” she said.

Goodwin said it was her daughter, who never met her great-grandparents,
who started asking questions about the Armenian genocide and finally
sparked her own interest.

The Rev. Joseph Bizimana, a Tutsi from Burundi, spoke about the deaths
of more than 1 million of his people in Burundi, Rwanda and the Congo.

On April 29, 1972, when he was a boy, he watched as his parents,
brothers and sisters were slaughtered.

“All gone in front of my eyes. I was just a small boy. I could not save
them,” he said.

Then on Nov. 2, 1993, his wife and child were killed while he was away
in Kenya.

“I am a living witness. I still have scars on my body, scars on my
mind,” said Bizimana.

Messerschmidt said that when he was younger, he found it strange that
his parents never spoke of their Holocaust experiences, but he
understands now that he has children of his own.

“I don’t want to frighten them,” he said.

Staff Writer Beth Quimby can be contacted at 324-4888 or at:
[email protected]