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05/04/2004
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1) Canada’s Dalphond-Guiral Captivates Capitol Hill Audience
2) Conference Explores National Priorities, Diaspora Collaboration
3) A New Body Established To Fight Corruption
4) Ajaria’s Abashidze Vows to Tighten Rule

1) Canada’s Dalphond-Guiral Captivates Capitol Hill Audience

The champion of the recently adopted Armenian Genocide resolution in Canada’s
House of Commons, the Honorable Madeleine Dalphond-Guiral, along with Armenian
Revolutionary Federation Bureau member Hagop Der Khatchadourian, attended the
10th annual Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA) Observance on
Capitol
Hill to honor victims and survivors of the Armenian Genocide. The program,
which took place on April 28, was held in the historic Cannon Caucus Room.
During her one-day visit, Dalphond-Guiral took the opportunity to visit the
ANCA offices, and was briefed by Khatchadourian and ANCA Executive Director
Aram Hamparian, on the numerous and diverse ANCA activities.
ANCA Representatives, along with regional and local ANC representatives,
accompanied the Canadian parliamentarian to offices of those Congressmen who
work diligently to advance Armenian American issues.
In what was a most memorable visit, Congressman Frank Pallone (D-NJ)
bombarded
Dalphond-Guiral with questions about the activities and details that led to
the
positive vote in Canada’s House of Commons.
During the Capitol Hill Observance that evening, author Peter Balakian, along
with Dalphond-Guiral, were honored for their tireless efforts to advance the
Armenian Genocide issue, and their commitment to the Armenian community.
Many Senators and Representatives expressed their support not only for
official US recognition of the Armenian Genocide, but also for monetary and
other assistance to strengthen the government of Armenia. They commended the
ANCA for their work, unwavering commitment, and ability to rally absolute
support. They also addressed the importance of Canadian Parliament’s
resolution–its potential to spur similar activity in US Congress.
Over 400 community members and guests greeted Dalphond-Guiral with lingering
cheers as she got up to speak.
After presenting her brief biography, Dalphond-Guiral explained that the
debate on the Armenian Genocide is nothing new in Canada’s House of Commons,
beginning with efforts in the 1980s. Since then, five motions and several
debates have succeeded one another in the House, all aimed at having Canada
acknowledge the 1915 genocide of Armenians.
After three attempts by Dalphond-Guiral, (the first two motions were never
put
to a vote) Motion M-380 was adopted on April 21.
“What seemed to be impossible–voting on acknowledgment of the Armenian
Genocide–became possible…”
She applauded Canada’s Armenian community, particularly the network of
Armenian National Committees.
“This community’s determination, perseverance, and attachment to its identity
are models for all of us. Over the decades, through its unwavering demand for
acknowledgment of the genocide of 1915, it has given us the right to think
that
faith can move mountains. It was the steadfast support of Armenians–young and
old–that persuaded Canada to join its voice to those of the parliaments of
Argentina, Belgium, Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Lebanon, Russia, Sweden,
Switzerland, Uruguay, the Vatican, the European Parliament, the European
Council and almost 30 American states, including Missouri, Nevada, South
Carolina, Florida, Arizona, Washington, Virginia, Illinois, Michigan, New
York,
New Jersey, and California. Here is the true glory of freedom and democracy,”
concluded Dalphond-Guiral.

2) Conference Explores National Priorities, Diaspora Collaboration

YEREVAN (Armenpress/Yerkir)–As a follow-up to the Armenian Diaspora
conference, representatives of European and US-based Armenian organizations
met
with Armenian Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian and ministry officials to
determine how to collaboratively tackle advocacy issues on Armenia’s foreign
policy agenda. Organized by the Foreign Ministry, the conference ended on
Tuesday in Yerevan. Armenian ambassadors were also on hand to examine national
priorities and the fundamental direction of Armenia’s foreign policy.
Security, development, European integration, peaceful regulation of Karabagh
conflict, and preservation of historical rights and values were targeted as
Armenia’s primary priorities.
Oskanian said that Diaspora organizations and the foreign ministry will be
working more effectively in the coming years to advance those priorities,
while
considering interests of the countries where they are based.
He also explained that as Armenia’s foreign policy expands daily, the
necessity to mobilize the potential of all Armenians becomes even more vital.
He praised the already persistent efforts of Diaspora organizations in the US,
Europe, Canada, and Latin America.
Meeting participant Hilda Tchoboian, who is the chairwoman of the European
Armenian Federation for Justice and Democracy, said that international
diplomacy and formation of policy must consistently be monitored by not only
Armenia’s diplomatic force, but also Diaspora organizations in order to act
promptly and effectively.

3) A New Body Established To Fight Corruption

YEREVAN (Armenpress)–Armenia’s Prosecutor General’s Office announced that a
special division to combat government corruption has been established.
Chief prosecutor Aghvan Hovsepian, said the department’s regulatory powers
will be clarified in the coming ten days to establish the direction of its
activities, but that no new employees will be hired to carry out the job. The
special division will work uncover and prevent corruption in the judicial
system, tax and customs agencies, as well as the prosecutor’s office.
The new body is expected to cooperate closely with the presidential oversight
service.

4) Ajaria’s Abashidze Vows to Tighten Rule

TBILISI (Reuters)–The head of Georgia’s rebel Ajaria region on Tuesday defied
central government threats to depose him and promised to tighten his hold on
the territory as his followers crushed an opposition demonstration.
Aslan Abashidze has declared a state of emergency and curfew in the Black Sea
region of Ajaria, which includes the important oil shipping port of Batumi.
Tbilisi has given him until May 12 to recognize its authority.
Armed men broke up a demonstration in support of Georgian President Mikhail
Saakashvili in central Batumi on Tuesday, opposition politicians said. To
prevent students gathering, Abashidze has closed all schools and universities
for two weeks.
Saakashvili has promised not to use force to crush the region’s autonomy but
militiamen blasted bridges linking Ajaria to the Georgian heartland on Sunday,
saying they feared invasion from troops stationed nearby.
“The humane approach that the autonomous republic’s leadership has followed
has not brought results,” Abashidze told local television.
“Any criminal acts, actions or slogans will be treated with the utmost
severity…No one will be forgiven for attempts to create a hotbed of
disorder.”
Saakashvili came to power in a bloodless revolution in November, promising to
end corruption and sweep away figures such as Abashidze who have held office
since Soviet times.
But Abashidze has not backed down. He has refused to disarm his militias as
demanded by Saakashvili and kept a firm grip on the opposition.
“A group of people armed with metal poles fiercely beat the demonstrators.
Before this, fire engines with water cannons were used,” opposition politician
Tamaz Diasamidze told Reuters. He said there had been 200 demonstrators.
Abashidze told local television that the universities and schools had to be
closed for a fortnight to prevent “tension.”
“We had to take preventative measures. No one can calmly watch as
preparations
are made for tension. They have to be cut off at the roots,” he said.
Washington is watching the stand-off with concern, fearing for stability in a
country that will be part of the route for a major pipeline taking oil from
the
Caspian Sea to a Turkish port. It has called on Abashidze to disarm local
militias. Two Georgian regions are currently completely outside central
government control, having gained de facto independence in bloody wars in the
1990s.
US State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said on Monday that the US
stayed in constant touch with Russia on Georgia’s defiant autonomous region of
Ajaria, trying to prevent a military confrontation in Georgia.
He stressed that the US supported the Georgian government in its bid to
restore constitutional order in Ajaria.
“We welcome President Mikhail Saakashvili’s announcement that he would not
use
force and we continue to encourage the government of Georgia to use political
and economic tools in its efforts to restore the rule of law in Ajaria,”
Boucher said.
Moscow has also called for calm, fearing that the crisis could descend into
bloodshed. Foreign Ministry Spokesman Alexander Yakovenko said, “We regard
relations between Batumi and Tbilisi as an internal affair of Georgia, but we
think that attempts to resolve the problem with militant statements and
threats
to use force are absolutely impermissible.” “Tbilisi should realize that the
use of force will inevitably have in the gravest consequences, primarily for
Georgia itself,” he remarked.
Saakashvili appealed to Moscow on Monday to help rein in former Russian
servicemen he said had blown up bridges around the restive region of Ajaria.
But Saakashvili, clearly wary of stoking tensions with Georgia’s mighty
neighbor, told CNN television he did not think Moscow had ordered the action.
He said he sought a peaceful end to his dispute with Ajaria, the site of an
important oil terminal.
He said the action had been conducted by militia led by retired Russian
officer, Major-General Yuri Netkachov.
“But I am certainly addressing the Russian government today to help us, to
spare us and get rid of some people who fly in and blow up bridges and stir up
trouble,” he told CNN.
Tbilisi has frequently accused Netkachov, once a top commander in the
Transcaucasus region, of raising rebellion.
Tensions in Georgia, which faces rebellion in several regions, are fraught
with implications for the West as well as the former Soviet Union. The country
is a transit territory for a planned pipeline to bring Caspian oil to the
Mediterranean.
Russia’s two military bases, remnants of past Soviet power, are a source of
tension between Georgia and Russia. Russia is also viewed warily by Tbilisi
for
its tacit support for rebel administrations in the regions of South Ossetia
and
Abkhazia.

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From: Emil Lazarian | Ararat NewsPress

ARMENIAN PERSECUTOR’S OFFICE DECLARES WAR AGAINST CORRUPTION

Public Television of Armenia, Yerevan
4 May 04

(Presenter) Armenian Prosecutor’s office is declaring war against
corruption.

Armenian Prosecutor General, Agvan Ovsepyan has signed a decree on
establishing a Department for Struggle against Corruption. The
department will have a head and four prosecutors. The newly-set up
department will cooperate with the Control Chamber of President.

Armenian General Prosecutor Agvan Ovsepyan stressed that there is a
political will to prevent corruption.

(Armenian General Prosecutor, Agvan Ovsepyan, captioned) Corruption
crimes will be precluded in both economy and legal spheres. Tax and
customs systems will be checked to disclose corruption crimes.

ARMENIAN OPPOSITION RALLY STARTS, DEBATING EUROPEAN TALKS

A1+ web site
4 May 04

The opposition rally has started on Freedom Square on time. All the
opposition leaders are on the original stage.

The key topic of the rally is the events in Strasbourg (the session of
the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe). The opposition
finally has an opportunity to inform public of the course of the
debates on the the issue of the domestic political situation in the
country, and also about the fact that the Turkish and Azerbaijani
delegates did not participate at all in the debates and in the voting.

Asked if the rally will be a decisive one, the spokesman for the
political Justice bloc, Ruzana Khachatryan, said that they were
deciding something at every rally.

According to preliminary information, a procession will take place
after the rally. However, it is not known in what direction the crowd
will head.

ARMENIAN PAPER REVIEWS 10 YEARS OF KARABAKH CEASE-FIRE CRITICALLY

Novoye Vremya, Yerevan
4 May 04

Novoye Vremya headlined “Will cease-fire become peace?” on 4 May

In several days, on 12 May it will be ten years of the cease-fire
regime in the Nagornyy Karabakh conflict.

Unfortunately during all these years of cease-fire the parties did not
make the day of final political settlement of the NKR (Nagornyy
Karabakh Republic) problem closer. Moreover, the Azerbaijani party is
often coming forward with threats to restart battle actions, in fact
refusing to search for mutually acceptable compromise in
settlement. For this reason a question raises: is cease-fire
transforming into final peace? There is not a strict answer to this
question yet.

There is not an answer because the parties have different attitudes to
the conflict. In Armenia and Nagornyy Karabakh the cease-fire jubilee
is understood as a positive phenomenon that promotes peaceful
settlement of the conflict. But in Baku they have an undisguised
attitude of irritation towards so long a term of cease-fire, because
during that period they did not manage to return Nagornyy Karabakh to
the constitutional field of Azerbaijan. As for the international
intermediaries, they have the same point of view as the Armenian party
has, regarding the problem.

They had almost the same attitude towards the cease-fire ten years
ago. The intermediaries had to work hard to make the Azerbaijani party
to agree on a final cease-fire though it needed that most of all. Let
us recall the events that took place ten years ago. (Passage omitted:
In 1994, in Bishkek the cease-fire document was signed by the heads of
the delegations of Armenia and Nagornyy Karabakh as well as by all the
intermediaries except Azerbaijan. But the intermediaries continued
their peacemaking efforts. Finally Heydar Aliyev agreed to accept the
document, and it was signed by the head of Azerbaijani parliament.)

How did the parties use the cease-fire? Unfortunately, they used it in
different ways. The Azerbaijani party had a goal to buy time to
strengthen its army with the hope of gaining military revenge over
Armenia and Nagornyy Karabakh in future and to settle the conflict
finally.

As for the Armenian parties, understanding very well the intentions of
their neighbours, they did not forget about the rigging of their
armies as well. Along with it they were urgently aspiring to build
bridges (of trust) with Azerbaijan for the creation of a favourable
atmosphere for constructive talks on a settlement.

As for the talks, naturally they could not lead to a desirable result
without trust between the parties of the conflict. Moreover, the
Azerbaijnai party using the oil factor, started a policy of provoking
the world and regional countries to implement political and economic
isolation of Armenia. At the same time Baku did not at all take into
account the interests of the world and regional states, insisting on
setting the Armenian-Azerbaijani cooperation in the conditions of
settlement of the conflict as a necessary step for creation of an
atmosphere of mutual trust.

To all appearances Azerbaijan intends to continue a policy of the
isolation of Armenia and Nagornyy Karabakh. The recent speech of Ilham
Aliyev at the PACE session in Strasbourg is evidence of this. The
Azerbaijani president in fact confirmed that his country will continue
to blockade any bilateral or regional cooperation with Armenia. As for
setting measures of trust, he cynically said that withdrawal of troops
from all the territories of Nagornyy Karabakh would become such a
measure of trust. Though it is clear to any man of sober judgment that
for such a step as withdrawal of troops, it is necessary to trust a
neighbour that does not at all need that trust.

The last condition means that Azerbaijan has not stopped fighting with
Armenia and Nagornyy Karabakh and is not going to search for mutually
acceptable peace with us. Simply it temporary transferred the
bellicose actions into a sphere of policy and economy until “the best”
time comes, that is, until the moment when it will have an opportunity
to settle the conflict by means of force.

In addition, agreement on cease-fire is not an agreement on a military
conflict stopping as such. In connection with this, it should be
recalled that there was a point in the document adopted ten years ago,
according to which the parties obliged during ten days term to make an
agreement about stopping of the armed conflict on the whole. In its
turn it was necessary for settlement of all the military and technical
issues before passing to the stage of direct political settlement. But
this intention remained on a list and mainly because of the
Azerbaijani party.

The logic of the Baku authorities is quite clear. It does not allow
fixing in any document a sentence about inadmissibility of a restart
of battle. They think in Baku that such fixing will mean the final
loss of Nagornyy Karabakh. By the way, as it was mentioned above,
Azerbaijan is using the cease-fire with a purpose to gain force for a
new war. By the way, the officials of Baku do not hide such
intentions. If the intermediaries will not make Armenia refuse
supporting of Nagornyy Karabakh, in that case Azerbaijan itself will
take “its lands” back.

Naturally, Armenia and Nagornyy Karabakh have their own plans on
this. In Stepanakert as well as in Yerevan they think that there is no
alternative to a peaceful settlement. Along with it, they understand
what Azerbaijan hopes to. For this reason one should always be ready
for unpredictable actions from official and unofficial Baku. Moreover,
they are sure in Stepanakert that the way to the international
recognition of the NKR is via building of really democratic statehood
in Nagornyy Karabakh. Just this is being implemented in Karabakh in
the conditions of the cease-fire regime, though slowly, with tests and
mistakes.

ARMENIAN OPPOSITION MARCHING DOWN CAPITAL’S STREETS

A1+ web site
4 May 04

The participants in today’s procession, headed by the opposition
leaders, are marching right now down the streets of Yerevan. In order
to have a rough impression of the number of the protesters, we should
say that part of them are already on Koryun Street, near Matenadaran,
and the remaining people are still on Moskovyan Street.

The participants in the procession with photos of (ex-defence
minister) Vagarshak Arutyunyan, Aramazd Zakaryan, Suren Surenyants are
demanding that these political prisoners be set free.

The procession passed by the Police Department, stopped near the
National Security prison. The protesters demanded that the political
prisoners being held in this prison be released and political
persecution be stopped.

The protesters are now marching through Nalbandyan Street towards the
Prosecutor’s Office to protest at fabricated criminal case against
Agvan Ovsepyan.

The procession will end on Freedom Square.

POST-COUNCIL OF EUROPE REACTION CONTINUES – ARMENIAN PAPER

Haykakan Zhamanak, Yerevan
4 May 04

Haykakan Zhamanak headlined “The Strasbourg passions have not calmed
down yet” on 4 May

On Saturday (1 May), in Zvartnots airport (Yerevan, Armenia) several
hundred armed young men met Shavarsh Kocharyan and Artashes Gegamyan
returning from Strasbourg with the following slogans: “Gegamyan –
president of Azerbaijan” and “Shavarsh Kocharyan – an agent of
Turkey”.

As one of the young men holding the slogans said, they were angry
because Gegamyan and Shavarsh Kocharyan took our dirty linen to
Europe.

Yesterday, in the National Unity party office Artashes Gegamyan and
Shavarsh Kocharyan invited a press conference. It became clear that
the latter were not insulted because of an action organized at the
airport, which Gegamyan called just a clownery. “In the municipal
offices they organized special consultations and reported how many
persons they would bring, and gathered only enough people to fit in
six buses, and they were taken to the airport.

But the most painful thing is that while the situation of the country
is really serious, our authorities are dealing with such clownery. It
is obvious that the authorities are doing everything possible to stop
the Armenian delegation’s authorities,” Artashes Gegamyan said. By the
way, the opposition members of our delegation also said that in
Strasbourg they informed Secretary General of the Council of Europe
Walter Shvimer and PACE chairman Piter Schider of the scenario
according to which Armenian events will develop. “We told them that
the Dashnaks (an opposition party – The Armenian Revolutionary
Federation – Dashnaktsutyun) will immediately say that Turks are mixed
up in this matter, in fact blaming PACE that Turks and Azeris have
levers to affect this structure.

We said that in the expected scenario the Republicans will follow the
Dashnaks, so that the Dashnaks stop speaking of 30m US dollars that
were stolen in the water system. Certainly, they were surprised if
they may be so much simple to try to suspect that the Council of
Europe is not an independent body. But as we landed in the airport and
saw that our predictions have become reality, we immediately informed
PACE that the scenario mentioned by us, has acted,” Gegamyan said. As
for Prime Minister Andranik Markaryan’s statement made last week that
the Turks, Azeris and Armenian opposition members must be praised for
discussion of Armenia’s issue in PACE, Shavarsh Kocharyan informed
that neither Turks nor Azeris participated in voting on adopting the
resolution as well as a discussion on Armenia. “They were not in the
hall. That is, our European counterparts told us that the delegations
of those two countries made a political decision not to participate in
any discussion concerning Armenia,” Shavarsh Kocharyan said.

Deputy Chairman of the National Assembly Tigran Torosyan also invited
a press conference during the second part of the day. The latter
specially stressed that it is funny that some people take some
fragments from the document and comment on them as they like. “The
people are trying to appropriate nonsense victories or defeats to
themselves or their opposites. This is not a place for winning or
losing, this is not sport. This is a document which suggests
decisions,” the head of our delegation said. And as Foreign Minister
Vardan Oskanyan selected some fragments from the resolution adopted by
PACE and quoting them said about defeat of the opposition, we tried to
clarify from Tigran Torosyan if such efforts of Vardan Oskanyan were
also funny. Certainly, the latter tried to give a diplomatic shape to
Oskanyan’s announcements, but he was not successful.

So, unlike some our officials, Tigran Torosyan confessed that the
resolution adopted by PACE is a half step back from the PACE
resolution on Armenia adopted in January. “Positions of Armenia after
the January resolution were very much favourable. Today the point on
stopping the authorities took us a half step back. Certainly, it is
not desirable for our country to get such kind of decision, but it is
not late to correct everything and return our positions to the January
state,” Tigran Torosyan said.

OFFICIAL URGES ARMENIA TO VACATE LANDS TO BECOME AZERBAIJAN’S FRIEND

ANS TV, Baku
4 May 04

(Presenter) Azerbaijani Deputy Foreign Minister Araz Azimov has made a
statement. He said that Armenia would benefit from cooperation and
peace with Azerbaijan.

(Araz Azimov, speaking to microphone) Armenia must understand that for
Azerbaijan to become its friend and close neighbour it must leave
Azerbaijan’s (occupied) lands and establish cooperation. Azerbaijan
will gain more than it loses through such cooperation. I think that
Armenia is the main loser today. As time goes by, the situation does
not develop in accordance with their interests.

This is our position. As for the use of levers of power, we are not
saying it’s our condition but if all resources are used up and the
issue is not resolved, we will be obliged to act (as heard).

Amnesty International
AI Index: EUR 55/001/2004 (Public)
News Service No: 113
4 May 2004

Azerbaijan: Political opposition leaders must receive fair trial

Amnesty International today called on the Azerbaijani authorities to
ensure that seven leading members of the political opposition in
Azerbaijan receive a fair trial in line with international standards.

Rauf Arifoglu, a deputy chairman of the Musavat (Equality) party and
editor-in-chief of the Yeni Musavat opposition newspaper, Arif Hajili
and Ibrahim Ibrahimli, also deputy chairmen of Musavat, Panah
Huseynov, chairman of the Khalq (People) party, Etimad Asadov,
chairman of the Karabakh’s Invalids Association, Sardar Jalologlu,
the executive secretary of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party and Igbal
Agazade, the chairman of the Umid (Hope) party are due to go on trial
at the Court for Grave Crimes in Baku later this week for their
alleged participation in violent clashes between opposition
supporters and law enforcement officers in the wake of the
presidential elections in October 2003. All seven political opponents
are reportedly accused of having masterminded the post-election
violence and are charged with organizing mass disturbances (Article
220 part one of the Azerbaijani Criminal Code) and endangering the
life or health of representatives of the authorities by means of
force (Article 315 part two) – charges which they have consistently
denied since their pre-trial arrests in October 2003.

Amnesty International is concerned about allegations that, after they
were reportedly arbitrarily detained, some of the seven opposition
politicians were tortured by members of the Ministry of Internal
Affair’s (MVD) Organized Crime Unit (OCU) to force them to confess to
having organized or participated in the post-election violence and to
denounce the opposition electoral bloc Bizim Azerbaijan (Our
Azerbaijan) and its presidential candidate, Isa Gambar, the chairman
of Musavat and runner-up in the election, who had been placed under
house arrest.

For example, on 17 October masked OCU officers detained Iqbal
Agazadeh at his home, after a special session of parliament had
stripped him of his parliamentary immunity earlier that day. On the
way to the OCU offices he was allegedly repeatedly punched in the
face with a steel-reinforced glove. At the OCU he was reportedly
severely beaten and tortured during three days in order to force him
to denounce Isa Gambar in a television interview on 20 October, after
which he was allowed access to his lawyer. His lawyer told the
international non-governmental organization Human Rights Watch that
Iqbal Agazadeh’s body was covered in bruises and that he had been hit
some 50 times on one leg.

Others were reportedly detained in cruel, inhuman and degrading
conditions. Rauf Arifoglu told members of the international press
freedom organization Reporters without Borders, who visited him in
pre-trial detention in Bailov prison in Baku, that he had been held
in solitary confinement for 32 days and forced to sleep on the floor
of an unheated cell for 18 days. He went on hunger strike in December
2003 and again in February 2004 together with dozens of opposition
detainees to protest their arrests, which they believe were
politically-motivated.

“Such ill-treatment and torture are against basic human rights
principles endorsed by Azerbaijan when it signed and ratified the
European Convention on Human Rights and if substantiated cast serious
doubts on Azerbaijan’s commitment to the respect of human rights and
the rule of law,” the organization said.

Amnesty International is further concerned about reports from earlier
trials of opposition activists, accused of having taken part in the
post-election violence, that evidence based on confessions extracted
under torture was admitted in court. The organization reminds the
Azerbaijani authorities of their obligations under international fair
trial standards not to admit such evidence in court and to promptly
and impartially investigate all allegations of torture and
ill-treatment and bring the perpetrators to justice.

Background
In August 2003 President Heydar Aliyev appointed his son, Ilham
Aliyev, as Prime Minister. Two weeks before presidential elections on
15 October, he resigned as President and withdrew his candidacy in
favour of his son who went on to win the elections by a large margin,
as the sole candidate, for the ruling Yeni Azerbaijan (New
Azerbaijan) party. The elections were marred by widespread voting
irregularities, including ballot box stuffing, multiple voting and
intimidation of voters and election observers. Scores of election
officials who refused to sign flawed election protocols during the
vote count were reportedly threatened and detained. Violent clashes
between opposition activists protesting election irregularities and
officers from the police and MVD special forces in the centre of the
capital Baku on 16 October left hundreds of protestors and dozens of
police officers injured, many seriously, and claimed at least one
death. Over 50 independent and opposition journalists covering the
demonstration were reportedly severely beaten by police and several
were detained along with scores of protestors and bystanders. There
were credible reports that large numbers of opposition activists or
supporters and members of their families were intimidated and
dismissed from their jobs following the election because of their
political affiliation.

Hundreds of opposition activists, officials and supporters – mainly,
but not exclusively, of the Musavat party – were detained throughout
the country reportedly for “instigating, organizing or participating
in violent activities”. Most were sentenced to short-term
administrative detention but more than a hundred were remanded in
custody. To date 118 opposition activists have been tried in separate
court cases for their alleged participation in the post-election
violence. Thirty three men received prison sentences of between three
and six years while the rest received suspended sentences. Among
those who received a conditional sentence was human rights activist
and imam of the independent Juma mosque, Ilgar Ibrahimoglu. He was
released on 2 April.

Eurasianet Organization
may 4 2004

POLITICAL ATTACKS ON BAKU MAYOR PROMPT SPECULATION ABOUT POWER
STRUGGLE IN AZERBAIJAN
5/04/04

Political analysts in Baku, culling clues from state-run media,
suggest jockeying within the ruling New Azerbaijan Party’s hierarchy
may be intensifying. Recent media attacks on Baku Mayor Hajibala
Abutalibov have fueled speculation about a potential rift within
President Ilham Aliyev’s power base.

Abutalibov has long been the target of criticism by opposition
outlets, including the Yeni Musavat newspaper. But when the official
parliamentary newspaper, Azerbaijan, published an article criticizing
the Baku mayor for letting the city’s construction boom spin out of
control, it caused a minor sensation in the Azerbaijan capital.
Shortly after publication of the Azerbaijan article, several
state-run broadcast media outlets aired features that were critical
of Abutalibov’s performance.

During a subsequent parliamentary debate, ruling party MPs both
defended and chastised Abutalibov. Some pro-government deputies
called on their colleagues, as well as state-run media, not to air
differences in public. “I believe YAP [the ruling New Azerbaijan
Party] has done a lot for Azerbaijan and the official newspaper of
the parliament should refrain from these kinds of accusations and
slanders,” said Musa Musayev, a YAP deputy.

In addition to the Baku mayor, state-run media has criticized the
Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education. The newspaper
Azerbaijan said Aliyev has received thousands of complaints about the
performance of both ministries. This revelation prompted some
political observers to suspect that presidential Chief-of-Staff Ramiz
Mehtiyev may be orchestrating a media campaign to discredit his
rivals for influence within the ruling party.

Minister of Education Misir Mardanov’s response to the criticism
appeared to lend credence to the notion that Mehtiyev was somehow
involved in the attacks. “I know which forces are behind these
articles and I advise them to refrain from them,” Mardanov told Lider
TV. Mardanov and Ali Insanov, the Minister of Health, are widely
viewed as political rivals of Mehtiyev.

The New Azerbaijan Party (YAP) has long been known for its internal
rivalries among various factions, political analysts in Baku say.
Some of the factions comprise politicians from the same region, such
as the Nakhichevan exclave. Other groups inside the YAP are formed
around common economic interests. Former president Heidar Aliyev was
widely recognized as a master politician, capable of maintaining a
delicate balance among factions. Aliyev’s son Ilham, who became
president in 2003, is widely viewed as not having anywhere near the
same level of political acumen as his deceased father. Thus, many
political observers predicted that Ilham might find it difficult to
keep the ambitions of his top lieutenants in check. [For additional
information see the Eurasia Insight archive].

The YAP appeared to come together in order to ensure a dynastic
succession in Azerbaijan, formalized during the country’s
controversial presidential election last October. [For background see
the Eurasia Insight archive]. Now that the father-to-son transition
seems secure, the factions within the YAP may be focusing their
energy on securing a greater degree of influence within the younger
Aliyev’s administration, some analysts suggest.

Abutalibov makes for a relatively easy political target, given the
considerable criticism over the chaotic nature of Baku’s growth in
recent years. The construction of office buildings and other edifices
has not been well regulated, critics contend, leading to a drastic
reduction of green space in the capital. The mayor has also been
assailed for pursuing overzealous urban renewal policies that have
led to the destruction of kiosks that were a primary source of income
for Azerbaijanis displaced by the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In
addition, many Baku residents complain about the poor quality of the
city’s roads.

Aliyev has not issued any public comment on the Azerbaijan newspaper
criticism of the Baku mayor. However, the president is on record as
having earlier instructed Abutalibov to make sure that urban
development proceeds “according to the general plan of the city.”
Observers do not believe that the recent signs of maneuvering within
the YAP threaten its ability to govern. However, some analysts say
the president will have to start paying more attention to internal
YAP politics in order to prevent the intra-party rivalries from
becoming a problem down the road.

Two Loudouners involved in Fairfax fatal crash
By Emily Tjelmeland
04/30/2004

Two Loudoun residents were involved in a crash April 29, and one has
since died, according to Fairfax Police.

Sterling resident Haik Vartanian, 53, was crossing Leesburg Pike at
Old Gallows Road and had just entered the second traffic lane when he
hesitated. Vartanian, who was not in the crosswalk, was in the path
of a 2000 Nissan sedan, which struck him. The vehicle was driven by
Courtenay Byron Hicks, a 34-year-old Potomac Falls resident.

Vartanian was transported via a Fairfax Police helicopter to Inova
Fairfax Hospital in critical condition, and succumbed to his injuries
the next day. Hicks, who was not injured, has not been charged in the
incident.

According to investigators, speed and/or alcohol were not factors in
the crash.

©Times Community Newspapers 2004