Hariri describes the situation in region as ‘complicated’

The Daily Star, Lebanon
April 2 2004

Hariri describes the situation in region as ‘complicated’
Prime Minister speaks out on visit to Armenia

By Karine Raad
Daily Star staff

Prime Minister Rafik Hariri described the situation in the region as
“complicated and difficult,” but that a solution was not impossible
if there was a true will to respect international laws.

Hariri said that Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian territories
was a dangerous move that could detonate the region at any minute,
stressing that peace was always possible if Israel implemented the UN
resolutions.

The premier arrived on Thursday in Armenia where he was welcomed by a
delegation of Armenian officials led by the Armenian Prime Minister
Andranik Gargarian and Lebanon’s Ambassador to Armenia Gabi Geara.

A meeting was held at the Armenian government headquarters for the
Joint Lebanese-Armenian Governmental Committee.

Armenian Deputy Speaker Tigran Torossian praised Armenian-Lebanese
relations and called for consolidating ties on the political,
economic and commercial levels.

Torossian said both countries were linked by historic ties and hoped
obstacles would be removed to allow the implementation of bilateral
agreements.

Hariri applauded the role Armenians played in developing and
rebuilding the economy and industry in Lebanon after the civil war.
He said that agreements between the two parliaments required the
contribution of the private sector.

Commenting on the regional situation, Hariri condemned the latest
developments in Iraq and Palestine. The premier said that Israel was
trying to evade the implementation of UN resolutions, he said that
Lebanon’s relations with states across the world were excellent
except with Israel because of the latter’s occupation of Lebanese,
Syrian and Palestinian territories.

Oddly around the world

Arkansas Times, AR
April 2 2004

Oddly around the world
LR’s Fred Poe takes us to some of his favorite remote places,
including the snowy Gobi Desert of Mongolia.

By Fred Poe
April 2, 2004

I have a curse. It’s the compulsion to travel. My parents shouldn’t
have sent me off on the Rock Island Doodle Bug to El Dorado solo when
I was 7: It all started then. I know that it’s a cliche to say that
travel should be the search for the unfamiliar, but like most cliches
it is true. If you want to be as comfortable and non-threatened as
you feel at home, you should stay at home. The urge to see everything
on the map is primal in me: I know that a good trip might mean beds
crafted for a pygmy, odd smells and indescribable tastes, that I’ll
probably be a prisoner of my bowels and live mostly in other people’s
time zones, that I’ll deal with alphabets that look like soap bubbles
or broken animal crackers, will have to defend things about my own
country which I don’t much like, hear guides who supposedly speak
English sound like they’re speaking it backwards, have customs agents
look at me as though I sneaking in tainted ham or an endangered
species of something and get homesick sometimes. It’s all part of the
rush.

I recently spent some months traveling around the world to a series
of places I had either never visited or wanted to see again. Some of
the places have no more in common than a pimiento has with a mule but
that made no difference for they all started my juices flowing. I’d
enjoy sharing some highlights, knowing it’s tough to hide both
enthusiasms and prejudices. Travel with me – oddly around the world!

THE FAROE ISLANDS

Picture an independent nation half the size of Luxembourg where a
population somewhat smaller than Lonoke County’s speaks their own
language and lives on 18 inhabited islands roughly midway from
Iceland to Scotland. Here in one of the richest per-capita nations in
the world a visitor just might walk into the parliament building in
Torshavn without an appointment and say hello to the prime minister.
I flew into the airport at Vagar after a two-hour nonstop from
Copenhagen (Denmark manages the Faroes foreign affairs), to be met by
a member of the local tourist board whose English was as good as mine
and driven to a nearby hotel for a lunch of local specialties:
grindel whale blubber, smoked puffin, air dried fish flakes and local
beer. The beer is good enough to get through many an odd dish. By
contrast, on the last night I was hosted at an urbane restaurant in
Torshavn, a place called Merlot, to sup on local scallops in beurre
blanc, a crown of lamb with bearnaise and a tart rhubarb sorbet with
Calvados. The islands, often connected by artfully constructed
tunnels, are a thrill to wander on excellent country roads, some of
them across headlands a thousand feet above the sea. The prevailing
color in fall in a land of grasses and gorse is a lighter-than-kelly
green with the sea, alive with mysterious shadows, rain squalls and
then often almost blinding sunlight, in contrast. The first people to
settle these isles were Irish monks but they (I suppose by definition
of a monk) left no descendents other than Faroese sheep, which have
bred like guppies and are one of the two mainstays of the economy.
Norwegians arrived next, people looking to farm in peace away from
the then-frequent turmoil in Scandinavia. There are stone church and
cottage ruins from the late 15th century but the average Faroese
today lives in a sturdy, often large wooden house painted in Bermuda
pastels and boasting all the normal mod-cons and then some. Fishing
brings in the money and sometimes it is very big money indeed. The
locals know a great deal more about the world than the world knows
about the Faroe Islands, although a few years ago their national
soccer team beat Austria in World Cup prelims to the utter horror of
the Viennese, many of whom I figure got out their atlases.
Typical: A village in the Faroe Islands.

My great treat as guest of the Atlantic Airways was to board one of
their 10 passenger Bell helicopters for a day’s circuit to the
northerly islands, the choppers acting like the mail boats of eld.
The weather looked dicey, but my host quipped that it certainly did
most of the time and that the pilots (both sturdy types who looked to
be about 15) were used to it. I wasn’t. I shared a long sofa-like
seat with three locals facing another sofa with five including two
infants. While the wind howled and buffeted, I searched for my seat
belt to find it broken and – whoosh – we took off. I was terrified.
Soon we were over open water bobbing around like a cork with me
searching around for something to hold on to, at times clutching air
and at times groping my neighbors. What brought me back to some sense
of peace was the mother across from me nursing her baby and looking
about as frightened as a happy golden retriever. It helped to look
out, not down: through the mists and shadows the distant isles looked
as though they were just that moment being created, often sparkly,
craggy and sunlit through the mists. We landed here and there, at one
point on the isle of Svinoy, population 60, which looks greatly like
Pinnacle Mountain rising from a boiling sea. I want to go back to the
Faroes and tromp the wild hillsides, pal up with some Faroese sheep
dogs, make a discovery or two of an ancient cottage ruin or church
foundation, drink beer with the good looking locals, simplify my life
with people said to have the highest literacy rate in the world. What
a bit of all right!

After stops in Vienna and Ukraine and my favorite city in the world,
Istanbul, it was on to

ARMENIA

I arrive at Yerevan Airport at three on an ebony early winter
morning. After a refreshingly quick baggage claim and customs
process, good driver Hovik meets me for the drive towards the city
whereupon, astonishingly, in this land Christian since the 4th
century, martyred since the 20th, I am in some scraggly Nevada town,
Winnemucca comes to mind: cheaply neon-lit, boondock casinos on both
sides of the road, drunks staggering about, surreal. Dawn brings a
look at the landscape, scratched and mauled, tortured by earthquakes
and somehow angry looking. Dawn too brings views of Yerevan, a
largely Soviet-looking city, a place carefully planned like Paris or
Washington or Canberra though unfortunately planned as Leninism
turned into Stalinism. With little in it older than Rancho Cucamonga,
the city is a visual horror. Fortunately, most of my planned time
here will involve travels out in various directions. I meet Hripsime,
my guide and mentor, named for a fabled virgin saint (I suppose most
female saints were fabled virgins?) and she and Hovik will be dandy
companions.

Does landscape have something to do with a peoples’ zeitgeist? Surely
it must. In such a landscape as this I can not imagine repose.
Armenia has four neighbors. They are at war with one (Azerbaijan),
they hate a second (Turkey), they greatly dislike a third (Iran) and
They are wary and seem envious of the fourth (Georgia). For a
thousand years Armenians have left this stricken looking countryside
(one alas devoid of many natural resources) to populate the world. It
didn’t just start with the Turkish atrocities close on to a hundred
years ago, though one is told that these horrors began the Armenian
diaspora. Nonsense. I’ve just seen the 14th century Armenian
cathedral in Lviv, and later Armenian churches in Dhaka and Calcutta,
both among the oldest buildings in those not-so-old cities.
Dominating the landscape is the symbol of the Armenian people, the
looming, haunting, spectacularly massive Ararat, the mountain in view
from almost every Yerevan street corner. The symbol lies in Turkey
and the fact that the Armenians picture the mountain on postage
stamps and currency piques the Turks. Hripsime retorts: “well, the
star and crescent moon of the Turkish flag aren’t in Turkey, now are
they?” Touche.

The early churches of Armenia boggle. They consist of largely rounded
hulks seeming to grow out of the surrounding landscapes, often placed
in impossibly difficult surroundings, frequently tied in with fables
about tortured martyrs or rather voodoo-like legends: animal
sacrifices today are not uncommon. The aura they give me is one of
power, mystery and aloofness. The great early churches are anything
but welcoming: God is stern, the disciples are muscular, the images
are assertive: if you don’t like me then to hell with you, a
Caucasian Bible Belt through one with great architecture unlike ours.
Hripsime, Hovik and I drive hours southeast, deep into the
countryside of what was the Soviet Union’s tiniest SSR. The day is
windy and snow is spitting as we reach the site I have longed to see:
the Sorats Stones, a Stonehenge-like assemblage strewn over about
five acres of hilltop land, the great runes often with peculiar holes
carved into them offering astrological visions at greatly varying
times during a given millennium, the whole great heap devoid of
tourism, of graffiti, reached by unpaved bad roads: travel without
explanation, eerie to the 9th power, full of the sense of discovery
and the next day I leave Armenia feeling that it would take a
lifetime I do not have to grasp this sad, throbbing little nation.

BHUTAN
Tashi and Driver: Guided Poe through Bhutan.

Getting to Bhutan’s only airport, Paro, from Armenia involves a
stepped-on-anthill of geography: I backtrack to Vienna, fly then
nonstop to Delhi, break my trip (Indian customs people love paperwork
though they could teach their Ukrainian peers a few lessons in good
manners). Then it is onto Druk Airlines (“Druk” being the Bhutanese
name for “Dragon,” for otherwise the word certainly does not resonate
pleasingly), leaving Delhi’s sedge-brown colors to suddenly confront
the snowy Himalayas. I land at Kathmandu, making a couple of circles
into the weak consommé colors of that ugly city’s ghastly pollution.
Trekkers and some deer-in-the-headlights-earnest European Buddhist
types board, thence the flight to Paro, one of the great adventures
in world aviation. There is Everest, slightly squashed against the
sky from my angle of view, then Lotse, more dramatic and a dozen more
peaks to the horizon. The pilot now descends in tight circles for one
of the two available approaches to the short runway for a white
knuckle landing, then a kind of Shangri La.

For the next week my body feels as though it has been dissected and
put into some giant kaleidoscope. The images jump about, all senses
are stretched, the world turns into slow motion, I feel as though on
another plane, somewhere gauzy, mystical, a never-never land
experience. Prayer flags in many colors flutter from the highest
hills, wild poinsettias cascade down steep slopes, houses are
decorated to the nines like a vast assemblage of tattooed ladies, red
and green chilies dry on rooftops, masked dancers in robes of a
hundred colors dance to honor the King on his birthday, archers,
often in medieval costume, compete in the national sport, a
discordant brass band plays.

The dominant building in each large town is the Dzhong, a combination
monastery, fort and seat of government: when I counted 60 separate
colors on one given large wall I gave up. The buildings are artful
labyrinths and young monks in saffron robes dart here and there.
Buddhists kowtow and make powerful religious sounds which to my ear
sound like moos and groans and gurgling. The “national” animal, the
Takin, is like no other mammal on earth: an immense goat-like head
carried by a massive yak-shaped body. I begin to make sense of this
or of that and then something happens to addle the brain.

The hero of Bhutan is the great Rimpoche, a guru who was eight years
old when born on a lotus leaf and who arrived in Bhutan on a flying
tigress to establish the Tantric strain of Mahayana Buddhism, the
foundation of the nation. Often depicted in various manifestations,
but usually shown in royal robes, wearing an elaborate hat being
struck by thunderbolts and attended by women devotees, the Father of
Bhutan is certainly a more vivid image for the children of the nation
than is our George Washington. I travel with my minder, Tashi Penjor,
a stalwart, likeable young man who also works as an accountant plus
my driver, driving roads reminiscent of the old Dollarway (shards of
which can be seen off old Highway 65), asphalted but barely, and we
average 16 miles per hour as we traverse the nation, Paro to Thimpu
to Punaka and back again. We hug mountains with 2,000 foot drop-offs,
pass superb waterfalls, cut off on unpaved tracks: I am hanging on
inside the Japanese van like I did on the helicopter in the Faroe
Islands.

The people of Bhutan are superbly good looking almost to a person: a
good tenth of the men look like a slightly Asian Patrick Swayze (clad
in a knee length elaborate tartan skirt and wearing stretch business
socks), a twentieth of the women resemble Celine Dion in a modestly
fitting, though flamboyantly multi-dyed sarong. People show their age
slowly; children are wide eyes and smiling and none beg. Dogs are
healthy and large and confident with long twisty erect tails. As we
wander Dzhongs and temples, Tashi makes the customary obeisances,
never with a hint of apology: I, so utterly untutored in Tantric
Buddhism feel a gross awkwardness, a club footed oaf suddenly in the
midst of the corps de ballet. I probe to discover the local
prejudices for every society has them. The Bhutanese don’t much like
the Tibetans whom they look upon as bellicose, having been invaded by
them time and time again. They’ve even asked in units of the Indian
Army to help protect them from Tibet (and China), often just a stout
hike over the hills beyond. English is a required subject for all
children and education is universal: in the first years the little
ones learn Bhutanese but then, by the third grade are dealing with
another language and another alphabet. Television has just arrived
and cable is available though the one channel aired from Thimpu, the
capital town (a place slightly larger than Hot Springs) consists
largely of Buddhist ceremonies, folk dancing and masquerades. I
manage in this Land of Oz a few practical things: a rather severe
haircut by the town barber accustomed to shaving the heads of monks,
the use of computers in a couple of quite up-to-date internet cafes
(at a cost which averages 75 cents and hour), I taste some of the
local potables including good Red Panda Beer from the large town of
Bumthang and decent Snow Line Gin from, I believe, the former capital
town of Punaka. There seem to be no strict food taboos, (no one much
seems vegan), the local rice has a natural coral-red hue and is
lovely, the local chilies are indeed assertive and do help disguise
the mostly food-cooked-for-buffets, a rather ghastly though abundant
diet: white bread, overcooked cabbage or carrots, mystery meat,
packaged puddings. (I hate buffets for my whole life is in essence a
buffet but I notice that rather high altitudes mute my appetite, a
good thing considering).
Birthday Party: For the king of Bhutan.

Bhutan is going to change: a Singapore/Indonesian luxury hotel chain
is building four super deluxe small properties in superbly lovely
parts of the little country, (for now, hotels are completely
adequate, often with artful cottages, though on the whole rather
boring and chilly at night), there is talk of building another
airport or two (at present it can take three days to drive from one
end of the nation to the other, a distance roughly the same as
Russellville to West Memphis), more Bhutanese are studying abroad and
DVD’s are bound to affect outlooks. On the other hand, the one
traffic light in the nation was recently removed because the locals
quite liked the ballet moves of their traffic police, the king may be
indisposed because he is an avid basketball player out on the court
with boys from the capital, and the zoo in the mountains above Thimpu
was recently disbanded for being un-Buddhist. The animals were
released but those hulky takins, instead of returning to their
Himalayan wilds, wandered into downtown Thimpu, falling asleep while
leaning on cars, knocking young children over and breaking plate
glass windows, I suppose in horror when they noticed the reflection
of their impossibly peculiar images.

>From Bhutan, I went back to India and Calcutta, a place that seems to
call me back. After the rigidly rock-bound Christianity of Armenia
and the all encompassing exuberant Buddhism of Bhutan it was a joy to
be in India’s most secular city (as well as its largest).

MONGOLIA

I spent a couple of late afternoon early December hours at the pool
in the palm fringed courtyard of the Oberoi Grand Hotel in Calcutta,
temperatures in the high 70s: why did I come to Calcutta? For the
weather! I went upstairs and flipped on the TV to the BBC World
Report in time to catch Asian weather forecasts. It was -27 in Ulan
Bator and I was headed towards Mongolia the next day. Getting there
from Kolkata was not quite the problem with the Mercator projection
as getting from Armenia to Bhutan, but it was daunting enough. The
main goal was to avoid flying on aging Soviet-built planes which have
had a recent tendency to drop from the sky like frozen songbirds.
This meant flying around the perimeter of the Asian land mass, from
Kolkata (as locals no know Calcutta() to Bangkok (over the great
river Deltas of Bangladesh and Burma, oops, Myanmar), and from there
via Hong Kong to Seoul because Korean Airlines has the bravery (and
the western built planes) to fly into Mongolia in winter. I had never
landed at Seoul’s new Inchon Airport, placed near where MacArthur
landed to keep us being whipped in the Korean War. Later the place
was the venue of a monumentally horrible film, a money losing epic
the equal of Liz Taylor’s “Cleopatra” or that very odd “Ishtar.” The
new airport is startlingly good looking and it works. It’s 60 clicks
into the city and as I approached Seoul, the first time in over
thirty years, I felt as though I were thrust into a futuristic
computer game. The city now has something like 11 million people
though it has maintained its surrounding mountains in a mostly
pristine condition, the air isn’t rancid and what little old there is
in the city is being well protected from developers. It was also
quite chilly, a bit of a foretaste of the gelid world to which I was
headed.

It’s roughly four hours from Seoul to Mongolia, a flight path over
the old Russian base at Port Arthur, over parts of Manchuria (which
was called Manchuko when I was a kid), north of the beige smudge on
the horizon which is Beijing with its horrible air. Mongolia seemed
to go on forever and it almost does. Twice the size of Texas (and
then some), it has fewer people than Arkansas, maybe 500 miles of
paved roads, a huge part of the Gobi Desert but also startlingly lush
wood and lake lands abutting Siberia. It has those fabulously
two-hump Bactrian camels, still a few wild horses, thousands of packs
of wolves, world class trout fishing (though not in December) and
people who often look like the late actor Charles Bronson. It’s
language is so guttural that it makes the Dutch tongue sound
positively lanquid by comparison, it still has a big nomadic
population who live in gers, (no one knows the word “yurt” in
Mongolia), which are felt-covered. squat, rounded teepee-like
dwellings that can be moved about the countryside.

I have been in many ugly capital cities, Minsk, Managua, Oklahoma
City, Dar es Salaam and Kuwait all come to mind, but no place quite
as ugly as Ulan Bator. The city is a victim of its times, made uglier
by the covering of frozen, discolored snow. The largely nomadic
people had no need of a real permanent seat of government until just
over a hundred years ago and when the urge to urbanize hit all the
wrong things happened. First of all, the Mongolians (their prejudice
is against the Chinese in a very big way), decided to play footsy
with their other huge neighbor, Russia, a Russia just entering its
“socialist realist” phase in city planning and town building, a form
which doesn’t seem “social” at all but is definitely realistic in the
sense of a boil or an ingrown toenail. This accounts for the
damendest Stalinist-era buildings, so pompous with their
neo-neo-classical columns and spires and their often
Caribbean-colored tints, set about huge open spaces, (and remember
the wind blows ala Casper, Wyoming the possible home of our Vice
President), as alienating as those super wide streets in our Great
Plains towns. The next phase of development I suppose could be called
Brezhnevian: dismal, tall, tenement apartments by the literal scores,
some fifteen stories high with broken lifts, buildings which
practically shed their tiles and balconies before you eyes and which
surround the city center like a hideous girdle. Voila: bring on
privatization and the newest architecture shows pervasive influences
of the Las Vegas strip in its utter melagomanical whimsy. Surround
the city by splendid mountains, but mountains which cause temperature
inversions and hold the pollutants from every cook stove in every one
of the 20,000 gers close to the ground. I know West Texans who love
Lubbock and there’s little doubt that a great many Mongolians adore
Ulan Bator.

The country is as thrilling as the city is visually deadening,
immense open spaces (which must look surreal to visitors from
overpopulated parts of Asia, meaning most of that continent),
surprising forests on the lee side of hills where the wind can’t
shred them, high steppe land, high desert not quite like anything we
have in our country but not totally unlike parts of Northern New
Mexico. I drive east with my pretty guide Navsha and my driver Jack
(whose full name is Sukhusren Banzragchsuren, no typo, all “r’s” to
be decisively rolled) first on the highway towards China (just as the
Trans Siberian passenger train from Beijing passes on the parallel
rail line, bound for Irkutsk and Moscow), then on country roads into
a land of Garden-of-the-Gods-like rock formations and pretty forests.
We stop at what is purported to be a typical ger to visit a family,
an ancient matriarch, her son and his wife, their five year old. The
inside of a ger is cozy, possibly three hundred square feet of living
space, all arranged around the central cook stove. This is the home
of shepherds and outside in the near hills there’s a flock of two or
three hundred of the critters, lambs grown to mutton on the hoof in
winter. Nothing would do but that we would all have tea: wife
bringing in a sizable chunk of ice cut from a nearby stream (rather
coated with dirt), placing it in a huge wok-like pan on the stove and
setting the fire to high. When the water boils (oh please let it boil
a long time), some grasses are added, a sort of herbal tea I suppose,
lamb’s milk and yak ghee and lots and lots of sugar. All of us then
sit around in a circle and drink amid great smiles and an exchange of
family photos: I cannot quite remember what the brew tasted like
because I endeavored to get it from my lips as quickly as possible
down my throat. Driver Jack told taught me an essential Mongolian
sentence for anyone visiting a family in a ger: “Do please hold off
your dogs.” I couldn’t begin to spell this even phonetically. This
was a day I will savor forever.

After a day in the country we return to the urban charms. Nothing
would do but attendance at the state opera house for something which
turns out to be a ballet. “Navsha, please tell me story of what I am
about to see.”

“Well, Fred, it is historic.”

So much for that. Anything that happened a nano-second ago is
historic when you think about it. The ballet, all gongs and cymbals
and triangles and horns turns out to be a Mongolian take on the Romeo
and Juliet story, very nicely danced in gorgeous silken costumes.
Then, to avoid the old mutton smells which pervade almost every
Mongolian kitchen I encounter, my travel agent, a terrific guy from
Havana who met his Mongolian wife while studying at Moscow
University, and who takes me to the best restaurant in town, his El
Latino, surely the most extraordinary Cuban restaurant in all
Mongolia.

A second day’s ramble, (four wheels a must, please note), started out
on the snow covered road towards Siberia, veering then westwards into
the high Gobi desert, vistas stretching easily forty miles on the
azure-clear day, reminding me of that beautiful lonely highway across
Nevada from Ely towards Eureka and Austin and Carson City. Our goal
was to see the last wild horses in Asia, saved from extinction at the
turn of the last century by a Polish naturalist called Przewalski for
whom they are now named, unique zebra-sized, palamino-colored beasts.
They exist in captivity (the useful fact of the day?), only in
Poland, Austria and Uruguay, but in the wild only here in this
horse-obsessed nation. We managed to see a small herd of perhaps ten.
In Mongolia’s glory days of Ghengis Khan and his grandson Kublai,
when Mongolia achieved the greatest empire ever known before or since
(from Korea to Hungary, they burned Krakow and brought the black
death to Europe), part of the conqueror’s strategy was to equip each
soldier with five horses for their journeys. I sense that not only do
Mongolians like horses, they have an excessive compulsion to
understand and love them. Alas, my equine IQ is probably typical of a
guy living on the 7th floor of a center city building, though the day
was exhilarating.

FINIS

It’s close to time to come home. After the gustatory privations of
Bhutan and Mongolia, I have this righteous urge to eat some good
food. It’s time to go to my favorite city in North America and I head
for Montreal across the Pacific via Vancouver. My son, Tony, joins me
for a few days of foie gras and ice wine, of fresh greens and smelly
cheeses, of sorbets and soufflés. Now, alas, I have to pay for my
deadly sins, mostly lust and gluttony. I am not longer a prisoner of
my bowels.

Little Rock native Fred Poe founded Poe Travel in 1961 and has done a
“fair bit” of traveling. He is a past contributor to the Arkansas
Times.

Russo-Armenian company to invest in gasification over $23million

RIA Novosti, Russia
April 1 2004

RUSSO-ARMENIAN COMPANY TO INVEST IN GASIFICATION OVER $23 MILLION

YEREVAN, April 1, 2004. (RIA Novosti) – Armenian President Robert
Kocharyan held a meeting devoted to gasification of houses in Armenia
in 2004 – 2006. Karen Karapetyan Director General of joint
Russo-Armenian company “ArmRosgazprom” said the company would
allocate $7.7 mln for implementation of the gasification program this
year. As a result, the number of gas consumers in Armenia will rise
by 118 thousand.

According to Mr. Karapetyan, some $16 mln will be invested in the
program in the next two years.

“ArmRosgazprom” is an only supplier of natural gas to Armenia’s
domestic market. The company was founded in 1997. Its goal is not
only to supply local consumers with Russian gas but also to transport
it via Armenia to other states. Forty-five percent of all shares are
owned by the Armenian Energy Ministry, 45 percent are owned by
Russian Gazprom, the rest 10 percent of shares are owned by private
Russian oil and gas company ITERA. The authorized capital stock of
ArmRosgazprom makes up $270 mln.

Power aggregating 9th block closed down for maintenance works

Batumi News
April 1 2004

Power aggregating 9th block closed down for maintenance works

The `Mtkvari’ Ltd., owner of the `Tbilsres’, closed down the ninth
power aggregating block on the agreement with the wholesale power
market.

The block was reported to be put to repairing works for winter
2004-2005, the company source said they are going to provide seasonal
maintenance works. However, presently, the power aggregating block is
at a nonplus with the financial crisis, due to the overdue debts of
the wholesale market.

The wholesale market incurred 51 million GEL, consuming 2/3 of the
aggregated power. The contract signed between the state – owned
company and the `Mtkvari’ Ltd. sets 30 million GEL as the maximum
liability the state might have run up, permitting the `Mtkvari’ Ltd.
to stop the block ahead of schedule.

The Telas, the key power supplier of Tbilisi, reported it will not
spark power shortages. Seamless power consumption by the capital
makes up 6 million kwt. of which 3 million kwt. is Armenia imported,
3 million kwt. is aggregated with the Georgian power stations.

Honor Rwandans with pledge to end genocide

Minnesota Daily, MN
April 2 2004

Honor Rwandans with pledge to end genocide
The greatest tragedy of the Rwandan genocide will always be how
easily it could have been prevented.

here will be no shortage of memorials next week to mark the 10-year
anniversary of genocide in Rwanda. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan
has called on people across the world to mark April 7, the day the
killing began in 1994, with a minute of silence. It is only right
that the anniversary be marked with solemn memorials in honor of the
800,000 who died. But those memorials will do little justice to the
victims if they fail to unite the world around preventing the next
genocide.
The greatest tragedy of the Rwandan genocide will always be how
easily it could have been prevented. The Hutu extremists who carried
out their bloody plan were armed with little more than machetes and
transistor radios. A modestly sized peacekeeping force might have
disarmed many of the killers and limited the bloodshed to isolated
pockets. Instead, Western governments clung to the fiction that what
was happening in Rwanda was not genocide, but chaotic tribal
violence. U.S. and French troops were dispatched to rescue U.S. and
French civilians, while Rwandans were left to fend for themselves.

Addressing a recent memorial conference in Rwanda, Annan reminded his
listeners that the United Nations must meet the next genocide with
resolve. While many procedural steps can be taken to build that
resolve, including appointment of a special U.N. rapporteur on
genocide, efforts must start with the five permanent members of the
U.N. Security Council: the United States, Britain, France, Russia and
China. In an age of increasing globalization, the countries seeking
to police the world must realize that with power comes
responsibility. Genocide in sub-Saharan Africa should not be more
tolerated than ethnic cleansing in the Balkans or tyranny in Iraq.

Rwanda is not the first genocide to be met with silence. In 1915 the
world sat by idly as the Turks used the cover of World War I to
massacre 1.5 million Armenians. Hitler recalled that silence on the
eve of World War II and the Holocaust when he asked, `Who today still
speaks of the massacre of the Armenians?’ Building a global resolve
to stop genocide is the best way to honor the dead and ensure that no
one ever asks the same question about Rwandans.

Resumption of military actions is dangerous for Azerbaijan

Azat Artsakh – Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (NKR)
April 1, 2004

RESUMPTION OF MILITARY ACTIONS IS DANGEROUS FOR AZERBAIJAN

The chairman of the NKR National Assembly committee of foreign
relationships Vahram Atanessian does not think that after being
elected president Ilham Aliev will carry on with his fathers’ policy.
“I said this on one occasion. The young president does not have
authority in the country as his father used to have, and naturally it
takes time for him to gain self-confidence in the post of president.
I think he will use the time in his favour, that is he will not make
such decisions that may cause shocks in the Azerbaijani republic. On
the other hand, I do not think that father president Aliev was so
peace-loving or was so enthusiastic with the settlement of the
Karabakh conflict as some Armenian politicians often state. In this
respect I do not see any obvious differences in the approaches adopted
by father Aliev and today’s announcements of son Aliev. As to the
economic development of Azerbaijan, I think this is another myth that
is again used in Azerbaijan as a home consumption good. The problem of
export of the Azerbaijani oil today also continues to be under
suspicion. Up today the serious Azerbaijani experts think that
building the whole economy of the country on the export of oil may be
harmful for Azerbaijan in the sense that in case of certain economic
progress it will be a more dependent country than any other country of
the region where the foreign investments are second to the investments
in Azerbaijan. The West, making investments of billions of dollars,
cannot admit the militarist announcements of Azerbaijan.” May the
economic progress enable Azerbaijan to militarize its political,
economic and all the other institutions? “I think no because the West
will be bound to defend all its investments through peace first of
all.” Answering the question of talks in the Azerbaijani political
circles to regulate the problem by use of force, Vahram Atanessian
said, “I do not share the viewpoint that the recent home political
developments in Armenia will be used by Azerbaijan to solve the
problem of Karabakh though military ways, because any escalation in
Armenia and the South Caucasian region on the whole is not favourable
for Azerbaijan as a situation has occurred when all the countries are
interested in promoting peace and not making a step backward.
Azerbaijan may achieve something through talks, I mean compromises
that should be made by both Karabakh, Armenia and Azerbaijan. That the
neighbour countries may make use of the instability of the home
situation of one another, I think that if guarded by this logic since
1994 we have had many occasions to make use of the already unstable
home political situation in Azerbaijan.” In reference to the
negotiations for the settlement of the Karabakh conflict, V. Atanessian
mentioned, “In Azerbaijan, Karabakh and Armenia researches are done on
this matter. I think instead of analyses it is necessary to think
about withdrawing the problem from the deadlock situation. There is an
impression that the situation is favourable for all the parties and
the parties themselves do not want to find the clue to the settlement,
so the inertness of the parties also brings about inertness among the
mediators. In my opinion, the cause for the present situation is that
NKR as a party of the conflict was left out of the negotiation
process, and it is time that the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan
find a way to liven up the negotiation process. I do not think the
clue to the settlement of the problem is outside the region. We are
still guided by the former stereotypes, that is when the Soviet Union
existed yet, the parties anticipated the reconciling mission of Moscow
but its results became obvious in 1989-1991. Such behaviour of Moscow,
to be frank, provoked an armed conflict. I think that today no
international organization, be it the Council of Europe, the European
Union, NATO or the UN, cannot undertake the mission of reconciliation.
What today takes place in Kosovo is on the responsibility of NATO
which months on bombed Yugoslavia and the UN that is the guarantor of
peace in Kosovo. I think the three conflict parties should assume the
responsibility: NKR, Azerbaijan and Armenia. For example, since 1994
the cease-fire is maintained in the area of the Karabakh-Azerbaijani
conflict, and there are no interested parties here. If the cease-fire
was maintained with the participation of the international
peacekeeping forces, in ten years the cease-fire would be broken at
least ten times.” “I am sure that on the occasion of the tenth
anniversary of the cease-fire the Azerbaijani authorities in the face
of the president of Azerbaijan will stand forth with the willingness
of Azerbaijan to maintain the cease-fire. The probability of
resumption of military actions is first of all dangerous for
Azerbaijan in some respects, and especially, from the point of view of
preserving the political system,” said Vahram Atanessian.

NVARD OHANJANIAN.

Leave Syria Alone

Lew Rockwell, CA
April 2 2004

Leave Syria Alone
by Glen Chancy

Every night of the year, pilgrims climb to the mountain-top Saidnaya
monastery church for a vespers service. Built 1,500 years ago, for
many in the Middle East it is a site second in importance only to
Jerusalem. Inside the ancient Orthodox church with its golden icons,
a priest monk blesses the pilgrims with a censor as the men bob up
and down on prayer carpets. The women kiss icons in veneration, and
light candles in prayer. This is a familiar scene, one played out in
Orthodox churches all around the world. Only here there is one
notable exception. At this church, located about 25 km north of
Damascus, most of the pilgrims on any given night are heavily-bearded
Muslim men, usually accompanied by their shrouded wives.

Syria – target of American sanctions, junior member of the “Axis of
Evil,” repressive dictatorship, and the best nation in the Middle
East in which to live if you are a Christian.

Christianity in Syria is ancient. A Christian community was already
firmly established in Damascus within a few decades of Christ’s
resurrection. St. Paul was traveling there to carry out persecution
of Christians when Jesus Himself appeared to him. Throughout
Byzantine times, and well into the era of Islam, Damascus was a
center of Christian learning and scholarship. The writings of such
Syrian divines as St. John of Damascus helped define the Christian
faith, and are still required reading in seminaries throughout the
world.

Today, Christians in Syria comprise approximately 8-10% of the
population, an estimated 1.3 million people. The majority of them are
Eastern Orthodox Christians under the Patriarchate of Antioch. The
historic city of Antioch, where followers of Jesus Christ were first
called Christians, is actually physically located inside modern day
Turkey. However, the Patriarchate fled U.S. ally Turkey in the 1930’s
in order to find greater freedom in Syria, a nation the U.S.
considers its enemy.

Syria does not recognize Islam as the state religion, unlike almost
all other states of the Middle East. Proselytizing is not illegal.
The website, International Christian Concern, reports that no
government sponsored acts of religious persecution have been
witnessed in Syria, and that no prisoners are being held because of
their Christian beliefs. Syrian identity cards do not list religion,
a fact that makes Christians feel more secure here than elsewhere in
the Middle East. Major Christian celebrations such as Christmas and
Easter are official national holidays. State-run television channels
even run Christmas programs. Unlike other Middle Eastern nations in
which public Christian displays are banned, each Easter hundreds of
thousands of Christians take to the streets of Damascus for joyous
processions. On any given Sunday, more Christians are at worship in
Syria than in such formerly Christian nations as England.

Christian populations have been on the decline for decades throughout
the Middle East. In the last 20 years alone, discrimination and
persecution have driven two million Christians to seek new lives for
themselves in Europe and the United States. Many towns and villages
that were once overwhelmingly Christian within living memory are now
virtually Christian-free. Only Syria has bucked this trend. Syrian
Orthodox Metropolitan of Aleppo, Mar Gregorios Ibrahim, told
journalist William Dalrymple, “Christians are better off in Syria
than anywhere else in the Middle East. Other than Lebanon, this is
the only country in the region where a Christian can really feel the
equal of a Muslim. If Syria were not here, we would be finished. It
is a place of sanctuary, a haven for all Christians: for the
Nestorians driven out of Iraq, the Syrian Orthodox and the Armenians
driven out of Turkey, even the Palestinian Christians driven out by
the Israelis.”

Why Is Syria So Special?

The combination of two factors has created the relatively happy
situation for Christians in Syria. First, the ruling of party of
Syria is the Ba’ath. The ideological founder of this party, whose
name is Arabic for “rebirth,” was Michel Aflaq, a native of Syria and
a staunch Christian. The main objectives of the Ba’ath Movement, as
envisioned by such thinkers as Aflaq, were secularism, socialism, and
pan-Arab unionism. These objectives are summed up in the party
slogan, “Unity, Freedom, Socialism.”

Two regimes have made use of Aflaq’s ideology, one in Syria and the
other in Iraq. Neither has lived up to his dream. Aflaq was both a
strident defender of human rights and a tireless champion of the
poor. However, both wings of the Ba’ath Party have maintained his
relentlessly secularist orientation. It is that ideological umbrella
which provides the cover under which Syrian Christianity flourishes
today.

In addition to Ba’ath ideology, the ethnic composition of Syria’s
ruling elite encourages policies of tolerance. General Hafez al-Assad
took control of Syria in a 1970 coup. Assad was an Alawite, a Muslim
minority that is despised by Sunni Muslims as heretical. Orthodox
Muslims often deride Alawites as “little Christians.” As the Alawite
liturgy seems to be at least partly Christian in origin, this barb
probably contains at least some truth.

Prior to Assad’s coup, Sunni Muslims had ruled Syria for 1,400 years.
The new dictator quickly reversed the long-standing pecking order
within Syrian society that had kept Sunnis at the top for so long. In
the new Syria, Assad organized the religious minorities, including
the Christians, into a bulwark against the Sunnis. The Sunnis, to say
the least, were somewhat disturbed by this. The Muslim Brotherhood, a
fundamentalist Sunni Muslim organization, actually declared a jihad
against the Assad regime in 1976, after Syria intervened in the
Lebanese Civil War on the side of the Christians. The Assad regime
eventually crushed the Brotherhood in 1982, killing over 10,000
Sunnis in their heartland of Hama. Ever since, Muslim fundamentalism
has been ruthlessly kept in check.

Hafez Assad died in 2000. Towards the end of his life, five of his
seven closest advisors were Christians. His successor and son,
34-year-old Bashar al-Assad, has largely continued his father’s
governing policies. Despite his relative youth, the junior Assad has
shown indications of being a talented man and good head of state. But
he is also an embattled leader who faces serious opposition from
abroad, fueled primarily by his regime’s continued support of
Palestinian resistance groups, and Syria’s continued occupation of
Lebanon.

Syria in the Cross Hairs

Assad’s primary antagonists are the U.S. and Israel. In October 2003,
Israel staged an air attack on Syria in retaliation for a suicide
bombing in Haifa. At the end of 2003, the U.S. enacted a sanctions
protocol. The result of these moves, so the Bush and Sharon
Administrations hope, will be a great Jeffersonian democracy akin to
the success story unfolding in nearby Iraq. In an article published
by National Review Online, Oubai Shahbandar, the U.S. spokesman for
the Reform Party of Syria, stated exactly what the U.S. and Israel is
seeking, “American and European policymakers must make it clear to
the current Syrian dictatorship that there can be only two choices:
capitulate to the will of the Syrian people and let a new democratic,
free Syria emerge or face the humiliation suffered by your fellow
Baathist neighbors in Iraq.”

To further the Bush Administration goal of fostering “a change in
Syria,” The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration
Act of 2003 was passed with overwhelming support in both the House
and the Senate. The officially stated goals of this law are: “To halt
Syrian support for terrorism, end its occupation of Lebanon, stop its
development of weapons of mass destruction, cease its illegal
importation of Iraqi oil and illegal shipments of weapons and other
military items to Iraq, and by so doing hold Syria accountable for
the serious international security problems it has caused in the
Middle East, and for other purposes.”

The act bans all transfers of “dual-use” technology to Syria. In
addition, the act recommends a wide range of sanctions against Syria,
including: reducing diplomatic contacts with Syria, banning U.S.
exports (except food and medicine) to Syria, prohibiting U.S.
businesses from investing or operating in Syria, restricting the
travel of Syrian diplomats in the United States, banning Syrian
aircraft from operating in the United States, and freezing Syrian
assets in the United States. The act obligates the executive branch
to enact at least two of the recommended sanctions, but does permit
the president to waive the sanctions if it is determined that they
would harm U.S. national security.

The act was hailed by hawks in both the U.S. and Israel. The
Christian Coalition ranked its passage as one of its major
legislative victories in the 108th Congress. There has also been, of
course, the inevitable talk of military action against Syria, should
the act fail to induce the desired effects. Richard Perle, for one,
has suggested that there are troops to spare in Iraq that can occupy
Syria in short order. So far, however, the Bush Administration has
downplayed the military option.

Revealingly, the remaining leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood,
living in exile for the past 20 years in London, are also calling for
a democratic Iraq. Prior to the visit of Pope John Paul II to Syria
in 2001, the group published a statement that proclaimed, “The utmost
that any political group can do is to take its place on the national
map according to the size it is given by its actual popularity
through the free and honest ballot boxes.” It seems that Muslim
fundamentalists have no objection to free elections they expect to
win.

Calls for freedom and democracy sound innocent enough to Americans,
for whom these two words are practically synonyms. However, trying to
forcibly implant such notions in a religiously fractious society such
as Syria is a recipe for disaster, particularly for the Christians.
Under the Assad regime, Christians have enjoyed religious and
cultural freedom unparalleled in the Middle East. As critics charge,
Syria is indeed a one-party police state totally bereft of political
freedoms. However, it is precisely because of the strict control the
regime keeps over the political life of the country that it can
extend security and freedom of worship to religious minorities. A
democratic system would bring to power a Sunni-dominated government
that would be far less accommodating to Christians, and could usher
in a round of genocide unimaginable in scale.

It is precisely for this reason that religious minorities in Syria,
the Christians above all, fear that current U.S. policy in the Middle
East will bring down the Assad regime. The founding of a de facto
Kurdistan in Northern Iraq has already rocked the Assad regime by
encouraging riots among Syria’s Kurds. Many analysts suspect that
these riots may have even been actively organized by outside forces.
In addition, international isolation is likely to only increase the
pressure on an already weak Syrian economy. If things continue in
this vein, Assad’s grip on power could lessen, paving the way for his
acceding to hard-line Sunni demands for a more religious state, or
even his outright ouster.

It is true that problems with Syria do exist. In contrast to its
tolerance of minorities at home, the record of the Syrian regime in
its occupation of Lebanon has been decidedly mixed. Since intervening
to stop the Lebanese Civil War in 1976, Syria has pursued a strategy
of “divide and conqueror” as a method of control. Thus, Syria has, at
some point, cultivated alliances with almost every faction in that
tortured country’s religious conflict. This has caused a great deal
of pain among Lebanese Christians, many of whom chafe under continued
Syrian dominance of their country. It is also true that Syria
provides some measure of assistance to groups, such as Hezbollah and
Hamas, who are currently fighting Israel. (Syria has no link to any
organization that has ever attacked the United States. Osama Bin
Laden will get no support from Damascus.)

Even given the shortcoming of the Assad regime, it is impossible at
this time to envision how imposing democracy on Syria could improved
the situation. After all, if one wishes to know how a more
“democratic” Syria would turn out, one only has to look next door to
Iraq for the answer.

Inside “Liberated” Iraq

At Basra University, menacing groups of men have been stopping cars
at the university gates and haranguing women whose heads are
uncovered, accusing them of violating Islamic law. Even Christians
have started wearing headscarves out of fear, something that never
happened under Saddam Hussein’s regime. Organized into armed
militias, Muslim fanatics roam the streets of Basra, waging a
campaign of fear to enforce Muslim law. Christian alcohol vendors
have been gunned down in their shops, and others have had their shops
destroyed. Christians throughout Iraq report confiscations of
property, kidnapping of family members for ransom, and violent
attacks on homes. Christian churches operate only during daylight
hours out of fear, and many Christians stay away altogether.

To make matters worse, the compromise Transitional Administrative Law
has actually gone far towards officially establishing Islamic rule in
what was once a secular country. Article 7 states, in part, that
“Islam is the official religion of the State and is to be considered
a source of legislation. No law that contradicts the universally
agreed tenets of Islam, the principles of democracy, or the rights
cited in Chapter Two of this Law may be enacted during the
transitional period. This Law respects the Islamic identity of the
majority of the Iraqi people and guarantees the full religious rights
of all individuals to freedom of religious belief and practice.”
Given the fact that many of these requirements are contradictory,
most Christians fear that Islamic law will become the source of power
in the new Iraq.

Iraqi Christian groups have characterized the Bush Administration’s
policies in Iraq as a “treacherous conspiracy.” It is very possible
that this treachery will lead to the extinction of one of the world’s
oldest Christian nations in its own homeland. Despite repeated calls
for help by Iraqi Christians, loyalty to the Bush Administration and
devotion to Israel have kept the Christian community within the
United States largely silent.

Summing up the situation, one Christian merchant told an AP reporter,
“No one can say things under Saddam Hussein were good in Iraq, but
now with the situation we are in now, we look back on them as
perfect.”

A Call to Action and Prayer

A newly “liberated” Syria would look no prettier than does the newly
“liberated” Iraq. For this reason, it is imperative that Americans,
particularly Christian Americans, take notice of the plight of our
brothers and sisters in Syria and Iraq. First, we must pray fervently
for the safety of Syrian and Iraqi Christians. Second, the Bush
Administration must hear from us loudly and clearly. We must find our
voices to cry out on behalf of those who cannot speak for themselves.

The reckless bluster directed at Syria must end immediately along
with all U.S. sanctions. At the same time, the Bush Administration
must stop building the Islamic Republic of Iraq, and immediately find
a way to provide for the security of Christians living in that badly
destabilized country. The consequences of failing to hold George Bush
accountable for his catastrophic policies could be dire. Christians
in United States cannot remain silent. If we do, then we are guilty
of shedding the Blood of Christ just as surely as if we had hammered
the nails ourselves.

April 2, 2004

Glen Chancy [send him mail] is a graduate of the University of
Florida with a degree in Political Science, and a certificate in
Eastern European Studies. A former University lecturer in Poland, he
currently holds an MBA in Finance and works in Orlando, Florida as a
business analyst for an international software developer.

http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig3/chancy4.html

Livening up the spiritual and secular life

Azat Artsakh – Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (NKR)
March 31, 2004

LIVENING UP THE SPIRITUAL AND SECULAR LIFE

The Artsakh Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church intends opening
chair of theology at Artsakh State University. This was announced by
the head of the Diocese of Artsakh, Parghev archbishop Martirossian.
Yerevan State University has a faculty of theology already, and it is
time to think for this in Artsakh. The Diocese also intends founding
the Student’s Union of Churchgoers headed by ArSU. Similar
organizations already operate in Armenia and the Armenian Diaspora,
greatly contributing to both spiritual and secular life. Archbishop
Martirossian added that his cherished dream is introduce at schools
the subject old Armenian language, at least starting with the 3rd or
4th grades. “Every Armenian teenager should be aware of his original
language, the Armenian language that was the language of Noah, which
also has a theological origin. If we fulfill this, it will be a great
achievement, said the archbishop of Artsakh.”

LAURA GRIGORIAN.

Armenian Minister of Defense visits Georgia

Batumi News
April 1 2004

Armenian Minister of Defense visits Georgia

Armenian Minister of Defense and Secretary of the Security Council
Serge Sarqisyan arrived in Georgia. The Armenian high official held a
meeting with his Georgian counterpart, Vano Merabishvili.

The parties tackled the issues of restoring Sochi – Yerevan railroad
connection, cargo transiting and interstate cooperation. Merabishvili
said restoring of the railway connection should be discussed within
the framework of Abkhazian conflict regulation. `It would be
appreciated if Armenia brokers peaceful resolution for Abkhazian
conflict with Russia, considering its friendly relations with this
country’, – Merabishvili said.

Serge Sarqisyan met Givi Iukuridze, chief of the General HQ of the
Georgian armed forces, Irakli Alasania, deputy Defense Minister of
Georgia. Mr. Sarqisiyan will hold meetings with Georgian President
Mikheil Saakashvili and Prime Minister of Georgia, Zurab Zhvania.

Armenian defence minister discusses transport, security issues in Ge

Armenian defence minister discusses transport, security issues in Georgia

Georgian State Television Channel 1, Tbilisi
1 Apr 04

Presenter The secretary of the Security Council under the Armenian
president and the Armenian defence minister, Serzh Sarkisyan, is
visiting Tbilisi today. The main purpose of the visit is to outline
the prospects for Georgian-Armenian cooperation in security issues.
The possible reopening of the Abkhaz section of the Sochi-Tbilisi
railway line and a possible reduction in railway tariffs will also be
discussed. Today Serzh Sarkisyan had meetings with National Security
Council Secretary Vano Merabishvili, Prime Minister Zurab Zhvania and
the chief of the General Staff of the Georgian armed forces, Givi
Iukuridze.

Correspondent Georgia’s and Armenia’s political and military
orientations are different, but this does not hinder friendly
relations between the two countries. Western-oriented Georgia is
asking Armenia, which maintains good relations with Russia, to act as
a mediator with respect to Russia in resolving the Abkhazia issue in
exchange for the reopening of the Sochi-Tbilisi railway line. Passage
omitted

Serzh Sarkisyan, interviewed, in Russian We cannot make demands on our
brothers and neighbours. We have a favour to ask, so that the railway
line and traffic are restored, because it is very, very important for
Armenia.

Vano Merabishvili, in Georgian Both the Armenian side, the Russian
side and the Georgian side are interested in this process. Therefore,
we have asked the Armenian side to activate its work, to use its
influence with Russia to resolve this issue in a manner which would be
in the interests of Georgia and, respectively, in the interests of
Armenia as well. Passage omitted

Correspondent Merabishvili apologized to the Armenian side for the
complicated situation in Ajaria. Passage omitted

Merabishvili We have apologized to the Armenian side because there
were restrictions on certain freight during the recent economic
blockade of Ajaria . Generally, the issue that freight is being
transported through the territory of Ajaria without control, changes
tack – and the central authorities’ efforts to take control over this
territory may cause some changes in the plans of Armenian entrepreneurs
and Armenian freight forwarders. Therefore, the Armenian side met our
proposals with understanding, and we promised every kind of
assistance. Passage omitted