Deno of Switzerland invests $3 mln in Armenian mine

Interfax
March 31 2004

Deno invests $3 mln in Armenian mine

Yerevan. (Interfax) – Deno of Switzerland invested $3 million in the
first stage of an investment program for the Kapan Ore- Dressing
Plant or GOK in Armenia.

The money was spent on acquiring materials and on repairs, the
plantTs general director, Martun Akopyan, told Interfax.

The second stage of the program will need about $7.5 million and is
to take two years, during which a processing factory will be built.

After privatization, Kapan GOK tripled ore production and processing
to 30,000 tonnes a month.

Kapan GOK produced 300,000 tonnes of ore in 2003, and plans to
produce 450,000 tonnes in 2004. It exports concentrates to processing
companies in China and Belgium. Output totaled $4.5 million in 2003
and is planned at $12 million in 2004.

Armenia: A Gathering Storm?

Transitions Online, Week in Review
23 – 29 March 2004

ARMENIA: A GATHERING STORM?

As the opposition prepares to challenge the president, Kocharian and his
government play the good cop/bad cop routine.

YEREVAN, Armenia–An increasingly defiant, more unified opposition, a
government out on the road meeting the people, and a president changing
senior figures in law-enforcement agencies: these three recent developments
are being taken as signs that, a year after deeply flawed presidential
elections, Armenia may be on the cusp of a fresh, large-scale political
battle.

The battle will become a little clearer on 31 March, when the opposition is
expected to announce that it will hold a rally in mid-April with the aim of
forcing President Robert Kocharian to step down.

This will be days after a demonstration on 2 April to mark the second
anniversary of Armenia’s leading independent TV channel A1 Plus. Despite its
popularity and international calls for greater media plurality, A1 Plus has
repeatedly been refused a TV license, with the government-appointed
commission usually opting to give licenses instead to new or inexperienced
producers. A1 Plus has said it may hold rolling demonstrations unless the
government meets its demands for the license tenders to be re-opened, with
civil-society members on the selection commission.

The demonstrations represent a gamble by the opposition. It has a record of
disunity and question marks hang over the size of the crowds that it will
draw. While the A1 Plus issue has angered many and while the station was
very popular, demonstrations two years ago garnered between 5,000 and
10,000. Crowds of up to 40,000 protesters gathered after the presidential
elections in 2003.

The opposition, however, is showing more unity than in the past. The joint
organizers of the mid-April demonstration, Artarutyun and National Unity,
have in the past accused each other of working with the government and were
widely seen as rivals. Both parties are big players on the political scene:
the rally will bring together the supporters of the man who came second in
the presidential elections, Artarutyun’s Stepan Demirchian, and the man who
came third, National Unity’s Artashes Geghamian.

Moreover, since the presidential elections in 2003, there has been a potent
demonstration of street power in Georgia in the form of the “rose
revolution,” which toppled the country’s long-time president, Eduard
Shevardnadze. In the immediate aftermath of Georgia’s revolution, there was
speculation about whether Armenia might follow Georgia’s lead, but there
were no major demonstrations. That may largely have been due to the wintry
weather, which is a factor in the timing of the new wave of protests.
National Unity had initially been thinking of holding off on demonstrations
until the arrival of warm weather in May.

A FRIENDLIER FACE, BUT A STRONGER HAND

The opposition also are taking hope from the actions of the government and
the president.

In recent weeks, senior ministers have been going out into the provinces and
countryside in a move interpreted as a bid to bolster public support for the
government. It also may be a direct response to ongoing nationwide tours by
members of the opposition.

There also has been some signs of a slightly milder tone by some members of
the governing coalition. In a joint statement on 26 March, representatives
of the three coalition parties–the Republican Party of Armenia, Orinats
Erkir (Country of Law), and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation
(Dashnaktsutyun)–poured some ash on their heads by acknowledging the
existence of many problems (though mainly social) and indicated that 2004
would be a crucial year for the government to deliver on its promises.

The appointment to senior posts of relatives of members of the coalition
might also suggest a rebalancing of power within the coalition.

However, Kocharian himself has struck a harsher tone, attacking the
opposition for having “a tramp’s mentality.” He also has showed a strong
hand. In a move that seems designed to show the opposition that he is firmly
in command of the security services, he fired four district prosecutors on
22 March. The clear-out affected seven of Yerevan’s 11 districts.

On 17 March, he had dismissed Armenia’s prosecutor-general, and sacked or
moved over a dozen senior police officials.

The country’s new prosecutor-general, Aghvan Hovsepian, is a Kocharian
loyalist.

Moreover, the government is not relenting to criticism about its policies
toward the opposition. During the week, the government also presented a
revised draft law to parliament that would in some instances enable the
police to arrest the organizers of mass rallies and would limit the right to
hold demonstrations. The government says the bill matches Council of Europe
standards. However, according to a 26 March report in the opposition daily,
an Armenian delegate to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
(PACE), which Armenia joined in 2001, says that the bill falls short of
European standards.

Armenia has a poor record on political tolerance. After unsanctioned
opposition demonstrations over alleged electoral fraud in 2003, according to
RFE figures, police rounded about 400 supporters of the Artarutyun leader,
Stepan Demirchian. Many were sentenced to 15 days in prison, and reports
suggest that many were denied access to lawyers and their trials were held
behind closed doors.

Armenia’s current criminal code allows the security forces to jail people
briefly without a particular reason.

Fears that similar measures could be taken after the A1 Plus and opposition
demonstrations were heightened on 25 March when a leading member of the
opposition, Victor Dallakian, claimed to have been attacked on 23 March by
three men.

The police have already called the planned 2 April rally illegal.

THE UNDERCURRENT OF VIOLENCE

Kocharian also has demonstrated that he is unconcerned about allegations
regarding the violent nature of some of his appointees, choosing as governor
of the southern Syunik region a man who is accused of being the head of a
criminal gang.

Two nephews of Surik Khachatrian, a leading veteran of the war in
Nagorno-Karabakh, are currently being investigated for murder. RFE reported
that Khachatrian denied any role in the killing, though he did not deny the
guilt of his nephews.

Khachatrian’s appointment is just one of several recent examples of a
violent undercurrent in Armenian politics and among its political elite.

That was shown most explosively on 12 March. Kocharian and his Georgian
counterpart, Mikheil Saakashvili, were having dinner together when a
gunfight erupted in the next-door café. Five men were taken to the hospital.
Among them was the son of the minister for urban development, Ara Aramian.
The minister confirmed that his son had been involved.

Unconfirmed reports suggest that the son of the minister for local
government, Hovik Abrahamian, also was involved.

–by Anna Hakobyan
From: Baghdasarian

Newsletter from Mediadialogue.org, date: 21-03-2004 to 31-03-2004

[30-03-2004 ‘Region’]
————————————————- ———————
WE WERE RIGHT ON CYPRUS. WHY DID WE END UP HERE?
Source : `Turkish Daily News’ newspaper (Turkey)
Author: Mehmet Ali Birand

BUERGENSTOCK

Seeing all the negotiations being carried out here, international
games being played, all the pressures being exerted; reading the Annan
plan and listening to statements being made, I can’t help asking
myself the same question:

“We were always right on the Cyprus issue. We carried out the 1974
intervention to defend our rights. Then what happened? What happened
that we ended up being the wrong party in the eyes of the
international community? We cannot simply tie this to Greek
propaganda. There must be other reasons as well.”

Am I not right?

Cyprus was our just cause.

We won the support of the international community as well.

Remember the developments until 1974.

We did not forget what certain Greek Cypriot and Greek circles did
after the London and Zurich agreements to destroy the Turkish
community on the island in order to achieve the goal of unification
with Greece. Raids onto Turkish villages by Grivas and his team, their
massacre attempts, their retreat in the face of threats from Turkey
and coming back as soon as things cool down, we all remember these
very well. The last drop to pour the water out of glass came with a
coup carried out by a Greek junta toppling Greek Cypriot leader
Makarios to achieve Enosis.

Turkey had no option but military intervention after this. It was the
Greek junta and their extension in Cyprus that forced Ankara to take
this option. Since the international community was aware of this,
nobody opposed Turkey’s intervention at that time.

Turkey was right.

Then how did it happen that we ended up the unjust party?

Is the whole world setting up a plot against us? Is there a game
being played out in Cyprus to punish us? Did we make a mistake? If we
did make a mistake, where was it?

Looking back, we see a few major mistakes having been made by the
Turkish side.

First mistake: Intervention was two-staged

Turkey’s first big mistake was that it completed the military
intervention in two stages. The first operation was met with
understanding in the international community. But the lack of
sufficient preparation on the part of the Turkish Armed Forces and the
failure to send the needed back-up in time led to a failure to achieve
the military goals in the first stage of the operation.

Then a 4-5 week interval followed. In the meantime, a peace conference
was held in Geneva. There was a proposal to divide the island and
even to create five different cantons. The military operation resumed
when the desired outcome could not be obtained.

But this time the whole world rose up. Turkey, which had received
applause before, became an occupier dividing a poor and defenseless
country. The embargo imposed by the U.S. Congress, reaction from
world parliaments, resolutions passed in these parliaments condemning
Turkey and accusations from the United Nations, all came at that
stage.

The “liberating” Turkey came to be known as the “occupier.”

Second mistake: Not signing the peace deal

You will lose what you won in a military operation if you do not make
peace afterwards. The success will disappear.

We were a most typical example of this.

We kept settling on the island. And while doing it, we sent all the
diseases in Turkey to the island. Instead of creating a model that
would suit the needs of Cypriots, we attempted to create a second
Turkish Republic together with its military and bureaucracy in
Cyprus. We turned a blind eye to international realities. We wasted
the chance to make peace that was offered to us several times.

We kept changing policies.

We first said we intervened in order to restore the order as created
under the 1960 agreements. Then we came up with the thesis of
federation. Then we presented the proposals of confederation and
independence. We failed to win recognition from a single country for
the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC).

We were left alone.

Throughout all these years, Greek Cypriots took clever steps because
they saw better than us the course that the developments had
taken. They turned the last corner by applying to the EU for
membership. The train was missed as Turkey failed to prevent the
membership attempts of Cyprus.

Let’s do better calculations for the future

Now, the last stage is due to be played until May 1.

If Greek Cypriots can reach the date May 2 without becoming the side
who spoils the agreement, they will get what they want. What will
corner them will be incorporation of the Annan plan into Cyprus’
accession treaty. And this may be achieved by May 1. After May 1, they
can easily block the Annan plan because they will have veto right
after that time.

After May 1, the Turkish side may find itself in a position which is
far worse than the Annan plan.

This is the real danger.

Let’s leave conspiracy theories aside and see, perhaps for the first
time, the truths clearly. Let’s derive lessons from past
mistakes. Instead of putting the blame on others, let’s understand our
own realities.

[25-03-2004 ‘Armenia-Azerbaijan’]
———————————————————————-
CLASHES BETWEEN THE MILITARY OF AZERBAIJAN AND ARMENIA IN KOSOVO?
Source : `Echo’ newspaper (Azerbaijan)
Author: H. Aliev, E. Alekperov

Bulgarian news agency reports about the conflict. The Defense
Ministry of the Country Does Not Confirm this Statement

Clashes occurred between the military forces of Azerbaijan and Armenia
stationed in Kosovo. This information was provided by Bulgarian
`Novinar’ news agency. This fact is brought forward by the agency as
one of the proofs of the failure of KFOR peacekeeping forces in
Kosovo. “KFOR-units are able to keep two communities (Serbian and
Albanian – Ed.) apart for a certain period of time, but it cannot last
forever. Moreover, when the contingents of such countries as
Azerbaijan and Armenia serve together in the international coalition”.

According to the reports by `Novinar’, the first clashes took place
already during the transportation of the servicemen via Budapest. The
agency also notes that there is a report of one `person killed’,
however it is not specified who he was – Azerbaijani or Armenian
military man.

In its turn, the Defense Ministry of Azerbaijan refutes the report of
the Bulgarian news agency. The Defense Ministry press-service
reported to `Echo’, that there are no Armenian servicemen in Kosovo
altogether. The press service keeps stating that official Yerevan
planned transportation of the peace contingent within the Greek
battalion. However, as this office reports, the plans of the Armenian
side fell flat. Besides, the press service also emphasized the fact
that Azerbaijani military men are transported to Kosovo via Turkey and
not via Hungarian capital. “Therefore, the reports of the Bulgarian
press do not correspond to reality”.

Commenting on the aggravation of the situation in Kosovo, the press
service noted that `fortunately, our servicemen did not participate in
military conflict”. The press service reported that 32 Azerbaijani
military men are in Gradush village near the city of Grizren.

Meanwhile, despite the statements of the Defense Ministry of the
country, Armenian media officially reported that on February 12 a
platoon of RA armed forces left for Kosovo. “Within the Greek
battalion, the Armenian platoon will participate in peacekeeping
mission in the Balkans”.

It is to be mentioned that the information source within the Defense
Ministry of the country also doubts whether `Novinar’ reports are
true. In its view, the Bulgarian press might confuse details related
to the murder of Armenian serviceman by the Azerbaijani officer Ramil
Safarov. The incident, as it is common knowledge, occurred in
Budapest. At the same time, the source confirmed the reports of the
Bulgarian news agency on the Armenian peacekeeping contingent in
Kosovo. However, according to the source, Armenian military men serve
at quite a distance from Azerbaijani peacekeeping units.

Besides, he noted that Azerbaijani peacekeepers are transported to
Kosovo via Turkey. The expert excludes the possibility of the clash
between the peacekeeping forces of Azerbaijan and Armenia also for the
reason that this information did not leak anywhere. “In case this
happened, international community would be informed”, the source
concluded.

It was also noted that the recent events in Kosovo kept the
Azerbaijani peacekeeping in full fighting capacity.

[23-03-2004 ‘Region’]
———————————————————————-
ANY INITIATIVE ON RECONSIDERATION OF KARS TREATY SHOULD BE SUBSTANTIATED
Source : `Azg’ newspaper (Armenia)
Author: Hakob Chakrian

On March 16, upon the initiative of Writers’ Union of Armenia a forum
of intellectuals was organized. It was devoted to Russian-Turkish
(March 16, 1921) and Kars (October 13, 1921) treaties. The forum
called on RA National Assembly to denounce the Kars Treaty and to
apply to State Duma of the Russian Federation with a claim to annul
the articles of Russian-Turkish treaty concerning Armenia.

What is this initiative conditioned by? The appeal to the National
Assembly on addressing State Duma is still more incomprehensible in
the sense that Kars Treaty is not simply a duplicate of
Russian-Turkish treaty. Russia also has its signature under it
similarly to Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey.

In other words, even if State Duma annuls the points of
Russian-Turkish treaty, pertaining to Armenia, still the fact that
Russia signed the Kars Treaty, will not allow RA National Assembly to
abrogate the treaty unilaterally without Russia’s
agreement. Apparently, the initiators of the forum missed this
circumstance, which raises doubts concerning the validity of the
initiative.

Ajarian crisis demonstrated that in the case of Kars Treaty, the
problem lay not only in the validity of reconsideration process but
also in controversial approaches and speculation with these issues on
international level.

Speaking about speculations, I mean Turkey. Its interests clashed with
Georgian and Russian resistance. That is, the problem of Kars Treaty
appeared on the agenda not only in Turkey but also in Georgia and
Russia. With the only difference that if in Armenia it was due to the
initiative of the Writers’ Union, in the countries mentioned it was
the result of the peculiar reaction of the Turkish Ambassador to
Azerbaijan, Unal Chevikoz.

On March 17 in Baku, Chevikoz declared to the journalists that Turkish
authorities, in accordance to Kars Treaty of 1921, are entitled to
deploy troops in Ajaria. Further, he added, `I think no explanations
are required in this aspect. The treaty will remain in force, and it
is already sufficient’. Georgian ambassador to Moscow, Constantine
Kemularia objected to it. He noted that in compliance with the Kars
Treaty, Ajaria cannot hope for the assistance of Turkey. He also
emphasized, `Any comments on the treaty are senseless. It is already
invalid. At present, international relations are built on the
realities of XXI century. Totally different relations appeared to form
between Russia and Turkey, Georgia and Turkey, Georgia and Russia”.

In its turn, Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs presented its
objection to Georgian Ambassador in Russia, declaring that Kars
Treaty, signed in 1921 among Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey,
lost its validity. At the same time, the statement of MFA of Russian
Federation reminds about Turkey’s agreement to cede Ajaria to Georgia
under the condition that Ajaria be provided with the highest autonomy
status. In this period, Russian national newspapers started to
actively criticize Chevikoz, viewing his declaration about deployment
of troops in Ajaria as a challenge.

The approaches of the countries in question towards the Kars Treaty
are conditioned by the interests they have in Ajaria. By the
willingness to station troops in Ajaria, Turkey recognizes the
validity of the Kars Treaty. Georgia considers it `to be invalid’ in
order to exclude any interference (Turkey included) in ensuring
territorial integrity of the country. As for Russia, despite its
opposition to Turkish interference, by preservation of the status quo
in Ajaria, it plans to influence Georgia and insists, in an attempt to
account for its actions, on the validity of the Kars Treaty.

In other words, Georgia has polar views with Turkey and Russia on the
issue of the validity of the treaty, whereas Russia and Turkey are in
agreement. As regards the initiative of the Writers’ Union of Armenia
on reconsideration of the treaty, though Georgia involuntarily
supports the Armenian stand, viewing this issue as anachronism, still
it should be kept in mind that it is Russia that is the strategic
partner of Armenia.

Moreover, if RA National Assembly resolves to meet the appeal of the
forum, it will have to apply with the claim `to recognize the points
on Armenia of the Russian-Turkish treaty (16 March, 1921) invalid’ not
to Georgian parliament but Russian State Duma. Since State Duma will
not be able to ignore this position held by MFA of Russian Federation
on the treaty affecting the national interests of Russia, the claim
will probably be rejected. And it means reconsideration of the Kars
Treaty is not feasible.


Yerevan Press Club of Armenia, ‘Yeni Nesil’ Journalists’ Union of
Azerbaijan and Association of Diplomacy Correspondents of Turkey
present ‘Armenia-Azerbaijan-Turkey: Journalist Initiative-2002’
Project. As a part of the project web site has
been designed, featuring the most interesting publications from the
press of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Turkey on issues of mutual
concern. The latest updates on the site are weekly delivered to the
subscribers.

www.mediadialogue.org

Authorities Resorted to Provocations

A1 Plus | 18:00:04 | 30-03-2004 | Politics |

AUTHORITIES RESORTED TO PROVOCATIONS

Justice opposition bloc representatives Albert Bazeyan, Victor Dallakyan and
Grigor Harutyunyan spoke mainly about Sunday’s incident in Gyumri.

The politicians are sure that the incident occurred at a rally held Sunday
in Armenian town of Gyumri is nothing more than provocation orchestrated by
the republic’s authorities. The police appeared as a conflicting side
instead of fulfilling their direct duty of keeping order, they said.

The opposition activist said no investigation has been launched into the
police conduct so far but a series of raids on some Gyumri residents’
houses. Nine people are already arrested in the raids. It is not ruled out
the police to charge them.

Bazeyan said there are video record of the incident and witnesses testifying
that eggs and explosives were given by policemen and municipality officials.

Justice bloc members say the city bosses staged fake funeral in an apparent
attempt to bar them from conducting their meeting with their constituents.
Cortege and all funeral attributes but the dead were used.

http://www.a1plus.am

New Model Armenia

New Model Armenia

Geographical
March 2004
Vol. 76, Issue 3, p24

Text and photography by Nick Smith

With a history of persecution, natural disasters and political
upheaval, Armenia has lurched from one crisis to another. But now it’s
poised to recover and, with the aid of a population in diaspora, is
starting to reinvent itself as a heritage tourist destination.

Not many people visit Armenia. In fact, as many people go to Lord’s on
the first day of a test match as go to Armenia in a year. Most of the
30,000 visitors are ‘heritage tourists’, which is to say that they are
part of the estimated four million-strong globally distributed network
of the Armenian diaspora, descendants of refugee Turkish Armenians who
fled this part of Central Asia during the Ottoman persecution of
1915. Most come to rediscover their homeland, track down long-lost
distant relatives and to commemorate their ancestors. They are a
much-needed source of income for the two million or so Armenians who
live in Armenia today.

Once a far-reaching territory ranging from the Black to the Caspian
sea, Armenia is now landlocked in the Southern Caucasus, covering an
area little more than the size of Belgium. It is the smallest of the
former Soviet states and was the most reluctant to become independent
when the USSR collapsed in 1991. Armenia benefited from a longstanding
and strong political alliance, relying heavily on the machinery of the
Soviet economy. Now, with little of its own heavy industry or
electronic engineering to support it, Armenia’s youth has emigrated
westward in search of jobs and tertiary education, while the elderly
and unemployed have returned to the land to scratch out a living as
subsistence farmers. War in the 1990s with neighbouring Azerbaijan
drained the economy further, while migration in same period reduced
Armenia’s population by a quarter.

It’s a hard life, not helped by the fact that Armenia has a
surprisingly dry climate that gives rise to vast areas of
semidesert. More than 80 per cent of its arable farmland needs to be
irrigated. Some relief from the unremitting hardship comes in the form
of tourism: Armenia has an incomparable wealth of medieval (and
earlier) religious architecture, to which members of the diaspora make
pilgrimage. At the same time, Armenia has the most beautiful landscape
imaginable — the majestic scenery that the country’s great composer
Aram Ilich Khachaturian describes in his sublime 20th-century
orchestral works.

Khachaturian is buried under a slab of grey-black granite in the
Pantheon of Heroes in Armenia’s capital, Yerevan. You can see much of
the city from his resting place: its drab centre fades into an even
more drab urban sprawl, designed by Soviet architects with an eye more
on utility than aesthetics. But there are redeeming features: apart
from the recently refurbished Republic Square (formerly Lenin Square),
there’s an impressive, if defunct, Ferris wheel on the skyline, as
well as the imperious Ararat brandy factory perched on a plateau high
above Victory bridge.

Armenians are proud of their brandy. And so they should be: its deep
amber colour and smoky simplicity make the ten-year-old a fine match
for any cognac. Boris Yeltzin likes it so much that he has his own
barrels in the factory’s cellars, as does singer, songwriter, actor
and local hero Charles Aznovour. Recently, the brandy has been getting
better and better. But it may be the only thing: for Armenians, life
under the hammer and sickle was comparatively rosy. But since the
disintegration of the Soviet Union, the country has become one of the
poorest in the developed world, with an average annual inflation rate
of 172 per cent. It has also ceded control of its energy utilities to
Russia in lieu of debts.

Not far from Khachaturian’s grave is a bronze statue of Komitas, a
composer whom Armenians hold in even higher regard than Khachaturian,
if that is possible. As an ethnomusicologist, Komitas travelled the
length and breadth of Armenia collecting its traditional folk songs,
which he then wove into the fabric of his own music, music that
defines Armenia as much as its red, blue and gold flag. As my guide,
Nina Dadayan, put it, “He writes in the colours of the countryside,
the gold and the green of the hillsides.”

During the First World War, Komitas saw firsthand the slaughter of
those whose culture he had done so much to save. He survived the
genocide, but having witnessed the rape and murder of his people, he
was plagued by mental illness for the rest of his life. He was unable
to complete his ongoing choral work, Divine Liturgy, which became the
last music he ever wrote, and died in Paris in 1935 a broken and
beaten man. If you look carefully at his statue in the Pantheon you’ll
see it is tarnished and covered with grime, apart from the right index
finger, which shines like gold. This has been kept clean by the stream
of Armenians who visit the cemetery to pay their respects by touching
his hand.

The genocide is an incredibly emotive subject. The Armenian section of
the Financial Times World Desk Reference 2004 sums it up, somewhat
dispassionately, as follows: “1915: Ottomans exile 1.75 million
Turkish Armenians; most die.” And while the book is very careful not
to use the word ‘genocide’, the Armenians aren’t so
lily-livered. According to the Armenian National Institute (ANI) in
Washington, there are 28 official genocide memorials in the
country. The main one is at Tsitsernakaberd (‘Swallow Castle’) and is
a 44-metre stele that symbolises the survival and rebirth of the
Armenian people. Next to the stele is a ring of 12 huge basalt slabs
— closely resembling traditional khachkars, or engraved memorials —
which encircle and lean towards an eternal flame. The steps down to
the flame are extremely steep, and you have to look at your feet to
avoid stumbling. This has the effect of making visitors appear to be
in mourning. Why there is a need to create this illusion defeats me:
most people I saw there were weeping.

The current British government does not recognise the 1915 genocide.
Fact. On the Holocaust Memorial Day in 2001, the UK, along with many
other nations (including the USA), honoured the victims of genocide in
the 20th century, including the Jews killed during the Second Word War
and the Tutsis murdered in Rwanda in 1994. But there was no mention of
Armenia. Nicholas Holding, an expert on the former Soviet Union and
author of the new Bradt Travel Guide to Armenia, says, “So far as the
1915 genocide is concerned, every Turkish government since has denied
that it even happened, as have certain US academics. The evidence to
the contrary seems overwhelming. I imagine that Tony Blair’s
reluctance to acknowledge it stems from his unwillingness for obvious
reasons to upset Turkey, as well as his own ignorance.”

One “obvious reason” is that Blair and George W Bush need Turkish
goodwill to secure permission for the use of Incirlik airbase, from
where they launch air raids on Iraq. Critics of the British-US
alliance see this denial as shameful — as shameful as denying, say,
Auschwitz to spare Gerhard Schroeder’s feelings. Writing in the New
York Press on the 2001 Holocaust Memorial Day, journalist Charles
Glass said: “Alas poor Tony. Upon whose lack of integrity will he
model his own when Bill [Clinton] departs? I suppose Al Gore or George
W Bush is up to the job.” Bush appears to have fulfilled Glass’s
expectations.

The UK’s current position is completely at odds with its historical
record. The first official report on the atrocities against Armenians
in 1915 was prepared for the British government by Viscount Bryce, who
submitted his findings to parliament, which published them in an
official document in 1916. Wartime prime minister David Lloyd George
said that Ottoman policies regarding its Armenian subjects resulted in
“exterminating and deporting the whole race”. The foreign secretary
James Balfour described the massacres as “calculated atrocities”,
while Winston Churchill, writing in 1929, ten years before the
beginning of the Second World War, referred to the massacres as an
“administrative holocaust”.

The facts and the record haven’t changed. What has changed, says Dr
Rouben Adalian, director of the ANI, is the willingness of the British
government to concede to the Turkish government’s insistence on
denying the Armenian genocide. “The reluctance to affirm the
historical record in the face of official denial implies participation
in that denial,” he says. “That is the major departure from the
original position of the British government back in 1915.”

In December 2003, the Swiss lower house of parliament voted to label
the killings by Ottoman Empire forces as ‘genocide’ — a move welcomed
by the Armenian ambassador to Switzerland, Zograb Mnatsakanyan, who
said on Armenian television, “The Swiss parliament has again confirmed
its adherence to human values and justice.”

With the addition of Switzerland, the list of countries that recognise
the genocide now has 15 signatories. This includes France, Argentina
and Russia, but no UK or USA.

John Hovagimian bounds up the perilously steep and narrow stone
staircase up to the entrance of the Sourp Astrastatsatjin (‘Holy
Theotokos’) of the Noarovank monastery. With his designer travel gear
and chunky SLR slung around his neck, he looks prosperous and
confident. To Hovagimian, his tour of Armenia’s heritage with his
newfound Russian and Georgian friends is a big party. And why
shouldn’t it be? He’s glad to be home. “Come on down,” he shouts,
before quietly correcting himself, “er, up, I mean”. Talking with him,
it emerges that his exuberance is mostly superficial. “It’s nice to
know we have a history. It’s a feeling of grandeur. Every Armenian
feels this way, and we cry inside for the tragedy. But now you see our
architecture restored, where once there were no roads.”

Most visitors are, like Hovagimian, members of the Armenian diaspora,
usually from Canada, France or the USA. And most are fabulously
wealthy by the standards of native Armenians. One Armenian
philanthropist, who paid for so much of the restoration work and the
reappointing of Republic Square in Yerevan, is billionaire Kirk
Kerkorian, a man who made his money in Las Vegas hotels and Hollywood
movies.

And there is some serious urban development in Yerevan. Although
estimates vary considerably, there seems to be a consensus on
Kerkorian contributing somewhere in the region of $130 million (USD)
for a major facelift of the civic centre of the country’s capital. So
you will see plenty of new pavements and resurfaced roads. In fact,
there are 20 kilometres of new streets in Yerevan, there are five-star
Western-style hotels and there are Gucci and Armani.

Travelling around Armenia it’s easy to see what donations by members
of the diaspora are doing for the country, but not so easy to see what
they mean for the people. Whenever there is a celebration, there is
always money. (For example, when Armenia’s war-damaged tourism
industry decided to give itself a much-needed boost in 2001 by touting
the year as the 1,700th anniversary of Armenian Christianity.) And yet
only one in 1,000 Armenians owns a car and only 14 per cent of the
population is connected to a telephone.

Critics of the influx of funds from abroad say that there is no other
rational conclusion than this: the money may well be restoring civic
and devotional heritage architecture, but it’s also turning Armenia
into a rich man’s playground and transforming Yerevan into a ghastly
imitation of any Western European city you care to mention. Why
rebuild quite so many churches, they ask, when Armenia has so many
rare metals and semi-precious minerals lying underground waiting to be
exploited? The aid money should be spent releasing the natural wealth
of the country and helping the indigenous people on a day-to-day
basis. The reply from the diaspora is that the development is
creating employment and wealth in a country staggering under the
burden of its own poverty as a result of the post-Soviet transition.

But it isn’t necessarily that simple. “Even a quick survey of the
contributions of overseas Armenian organisations would show that
members of the diaspora remain very concerned about the well-being of
the population in Armenia,” says Adalian. He offers the example of the
largest of the philanthropic groups, the Armenian General Benevolent
Union, which supports a range of services from soup kitchens to
institutions of higher education such as the American University of
Armenia which, Adalian says, is “preparing new generations of leaders
and managers”.

However well planned, the spending of money from the diaspora is
dictated by external events. “There was no choice but to seek to
rehouse the 500,000 made homeless by the 1988 earthquake,” says
Holding. Also, the closure of several borders meant that road and rail
routes to Iran in the south that passed through the Azeri exclave of
Nakhichevan were now literally off limits. This meant that less-used
routes — such as that which connects Armenia with Iran via the Selim
Pass — which had suffered terribly from soil erosion and
underinvestment, had to be rebuilt virtually from scratch.

Conservationists have objected to the reconstruction of the Selim Pass
road because it travels within a few metres of an ancient Silk Road
caravanserai. Increased tourism, they say, will ruin the magic of the
place. They also claim, with more justification, that vibrations from
the huge freight lorries that are forecast to travel regularly over
the pass will damage the fabric of this ancient building.

However, this is the only route into the Yerevan district of Armenia
from the south. As such, it’s an umbilical cord to Iran and, by
extension, the outside world. Currently, the Turkish border is closed,
as are the two Azerbaijan borders, and there’s little sign of any
immediate resolution. To the north, the relationship with Georgia is
unstable, although improvements in the political and economic
conditions there can only contribute to “reducing ethnic tensions and
security concerns across the entire Caucasus region”, says Adalian.

PHOTO CAPTION Clockwise from right: the fourth-century monastery of
Geghard (‘spear’) was built into the side of a mountain and later
surrounded by walls. On the UNESCO World Heritage list since 2000, it
is named after the spear that pierced Christ’s side at Calvary;
‘temporary housing in Vayots Dzor is now well into its second decade;
the Temple of Garni, which was built in the first century AD,
subsequently destroyed by earthquake and renovated several times

While it is tempting to think that the collapse of the Soviet Union
could only have been a good thing, many Armenians would argue with
this. Under the Soviet regime, people may have lived like “machines”,
says my guide, but at least it was all planned out for them. “There
was no need to think for tomorrow,” she says. There were holidays and
pensions, and there was electricity and public transport. Now, one of
the few trains that runs through Armenia takes six hours to complete
its 70-kilometre journey (that’s slower than a London bus on Oxford
Street). “The problem is,” says Nina, offering a somewhat unnecessary
explanation, “there are too many stops and the train doesn’t go fast
enough.”

It’s not just the trains that have fallen into disrepair. As you drive
around Lake Sevan there is mile after mile of abandoned heavy
machinery, now broken and idle. They stand by countless unfinished
construction projects that became derelict before they were ever
used. There are blocks of concrete crumbling to nothing, their metal
reinforcements rusting away. There are sections of oil pipeline lying
unconnected on scrubland by the side of the road.

Most of the land around Lake Sevan is reclaimed. During the 1950s,
Soviet hydro-electric power engineers decided to lower the level of
the lake by 19 metres. As with so many Soviet schemes, the engineers
were betrayed by their idealism and instead of benefit-ting from
unlimited free power, new land for arable farming and livestock
grazing, they got a wasteland. Most of the fish in the lake died and
the land proved to be useless for cultivation. Only a gorse-like scrub
plant now grows there in any abundance, while peasants working above
the old shoreline dig up potatoes, for which they will receive
100drams (7p) per sack, with their bare hands. In the background, a
monastery stands on a headland — once an island — jutting out into
the lake.

Further along the shoreline there is the faded optimism of the 1960s
Soviet residential areas of Sevan, with its close-packed blocks of
apartments in estates with names like ‘Gagarin’, and the obligatory
Ferris wheel in the luna park, the likes of which you can see in
Zanzibar, Mozambique, and the former East Germany. It’s what my guide
calls, without a trace of irony, “good old Soviet architecture”. It’s
hard to see what the nostalgia is all about — they’re every bit as
horrible as some of London or Manchester’s worst blocks of flats or
Glasgow’s tenements. It’s a far cry from the splendor of Armenia’s
churches.

In the shadow of Mount Ararat there is a monastery called Khor Virap,
where Gregory the Illuminator was imprisoned in the third century
AD. Despite his title, he wasn’t a manuscript illuminator
(illustrator). He got his name, and was subsequently imprisoned, for
casting the light of Christianity into the dark comers of Armenia. For
a small fee, you can release doves from this monastery, in the same
way as Noah did as the flood subsided and his ark came to rest on
Mount Ararat. In this case, however, the doves fly back to their cages
and their owners ‘sell’ them again to the next unsuspecting diaspora
tourist.

It’s a place of mixed feelings. In the local orphanage, children are
encouraged to draw pictures of Ararat and Noah’s ark. These crayon
drawings are stuck on the wall next to US flags. One class has
obviously been taught to write, “We love George Bush.”

I wonder if the children who made these drawings have been taught that
Ararat, the national symbol of Armenia, is in Turkey and that they
will never get the chance to climb it.

Visiting Armenia

Nick Smith travelled to Armenia with British Mediterranean Airways (0845
772 2277;).

Regent Holidays can organise trips to Armenia (0117 921 1711;
).

Armenia with Nagorno Karabagh by Nicholas Holding is the first
English-language guide to Armenia. It is published by Bradt.

PHOTO CAPTION Clockwise from top left: men in Vayots Dzor trade smoked
fish from Lake Sevan; old women meet in the ‘Field of Khatchkars’, whose
900-or-so engraved stone memorials are a national treasure.

PHOTO CAPTION Noaravank monastery, built in the 13th and 14th centuries
and renovated in 1998 with money from the diaspora.

PHOTO CAPTION Clockwise from right: high above the Yeghegis valley is
the fifth-century fortress of Smbataberd, guarded on three sides by
steep cliffs.
Local legend has it that it fell to the Seljuk Turks in the 11th century
when they used a thirsty horse to sniff out its water supply; the
eternal flame at the genocide memorial at Tsitsernakaberd in Yerevan;
the memorial’s 44-metre stele.

PHOTO CAPTION Top: standing just below the top of the Selim Pass
(2,410metres), the caravanserai at Selim, one of the best-preserved in
the world, used to be an important resthouse for traders following the
Silk Road; Above: subsistence farmers scratch out a living growing
potatoes at the Selim Pass.

PHOTO CAPTION Clockwise from top left: Gregory the Illuminator kneels
before King Trdat in a 17th-century Turkish manuscript; Mount Ararat and
the monastery of Khor Virap (deep dungeon), where Gregory was imprisoned
by King Trdat in the late third century; a child’s drawing of Noah’s ark
on Mount Ararat.

*************************************
Earthquakes in the Caucasus: a shaky history

As the recent earthquake in southern Iran tragically showed, the
collision of the Eurasian and Arabian tectonic plates has turned this
part of Central Asia into an earthquake danger zone. Although it lies
to the north of Iran, Armenia sits on the same boundary and is subject
to the same catastrophic geophysical forces.

As tectonic plates move, they often grind against each other, slowly
building up stress until one of them moves suddenly. When this
happens, the result is an earthquake, a natural phenomenon with which
Armenia is all too familiar. Historical accounts describe how
earthquakes claimed thousands of lives, destroyed the ancient cities
of Erznka, Erzroom, Basen and Dvin and ruined the temples of Garni
(below left) and Zvartnots.

On 7 December 1988, northwestern Armenia was struck by a quake
measuring 6.9 on the Richter scale. It devastated the cities of
Giumri, Vanadzor and Spitak. Countless houses were obliterated,
leaving more than half a million people homeless. Manufacturing, as
well as cultural, scientific and educational institutions, were
destroyed. According to the UN Development Programme, more than 45,000
people were pulled from the rubble, 25,000 of whom were dead. In 2000,
the UNDP estimated that 20,000 people were still displaced and living
in temporary housing (left).

Geographical is the property of Campion Interactive Publishing

www.britishmediterranean.com
www.regent-holidays.co.uk

Armenia’s Software Advantage

Armenia’s Software Advantage

McKinsey Quarterly
2004 Issue 1
p12, 3p

By Andre Andonian, Avetik Chalabyan and Pierre Gurdjian

Geopolitical problems and macroeconomic reforms are currently
preoccupying Armenia, but to achieve long-term growth and lift itself
out of poverty the former Soviet republic must also grapple with
microeconomic policy. Armenia should focus on developing the industry
sectors that have the best chance of competing globally and on
eliminating any barriers to productivity within them. Our study of this
landlocked economy in the Caucasus (Exhibit 1) suggests that software
and IT services are among its most promising sectors.

With annual growth of more than 20 percent since 1999, software and IT
companies now account for 2 percent of Armenia’s GDP — a proportion
comparable to that of India, the world’s leading offshore IT
destination. Businesses in this sector achieve much higher productivity
than the average for Armenia’s economy as a whole (11.5 percent of the
US level). Why the relatively strong performance? The software and IT
services sector is especially suited to exploit Armenia’s three
competitive advantages. First, it has a well-educated workforce with an
emphasis on science, a result of the country’s heritage as the Soviet
Union’s high-tech center. The second advantage is low wages: a software
and IT services specialist earns $2,400 to $6,000 a year, a quarter of
the average salary such a worker receives in India. The third is a five
million-strong diaspora across Europe and North America. Many of these
overseas Armenians are successful businesspeople and professionals in
the IT and software field and provide access to international business
networks as well as funding for Armenia’s development.

Foreign-owned and domestic companies in Armenia’s software and IT sector
have different average levels of productivity and somewhat different
barriers to
raising it. Some 25 foreign software companies, owned mostly by
businesspeople of Armenian descent, have set up offshore subsidiaries in
the country to develop
customized applications for their corporate parents. To attract the best
programmers and thus achieve the best labor productivity, these foreign
units offer salaries twice as high as domestic IT firms do. But labor
productivity is still only half of the US level, partly as a result of
the shortcomings of Armenia’s higher-education system, which produces
excellent programmers but not enough skilled project managers. For the
85 or so domestic companies that develop, program, market, and sell
packaged software at home and abroad, improving total productivity —
which currently stands at 25 percent of the US level — is even more
crucial. Among the managerial shortcomings these companies face is a
lack of market knowledge and business know-how. Furthermore, they don’t
always know what higher-value-added products to make for international
markets, and they sometimes don’t possess the business skills needed to
market and sell sophisticated products abroad (Exhibit 2, on the
previous page).

We recommend a series of steps in two areas to remove productivity
barriers and stimulate the growth of Armenia’s software and IT sector.
First, increasing the capacity and quality of the educational system is
critical for delivering the highly qualified graduates needed to improve
the sector’s programming and management skills. To this end, the
government should try to attract and retain teachers, professors, and
researchers by raising their salaries, which a: $100 to $200 a month are
low even by domestic standards. Partnerships between companies and
universities can also help. A large foreign-owned software company, for
example, currently supports a multidisciplinary university course that
combines semiconductor design and IT programming — important for the
development of higher value added products. One university cooperates
closely with IT start-ups by providing them with work space on its
premises. Computer science curricula should be modernized so that
technical courses are enriched by business know-how, such as project
management and business-case writing. Second, the government and the
domestic financial and high-tech sectors should team up to establish a
major investment fund and a promotional agency to channel private equity
money from the diaspora and other foreign sources into the software and
IT sector and thereby stimulate its growth.

Increasing the productivity of software and IT services alone won’t
carry Armenia’s economy to the next level, however. A handful of other
sectors — diamonds and jewelry, tourism, and health care — should also
be development priorities. Successful initiatives in the four sectors
could double their productivity, generate double-digit increases in
revenues annually through 2010, and raise their aggregate employment to
102,000, from 71,000. By first focusing on these potentially high-growth
sectors, Armenia could increase its foreign earnings and use the influx
of cash to raise domestic demand and boost other parts of the economy.

Armenia must still resolve its conflict with neighboring Azerbaijan over
the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region and carry out macroeconomic reforms
to complete the transition to a market economy. But concentrating on
specific sectors such as software and IT services should allow Armenia
to move beyond basic stabilization and take the next steps on the road
to prosperity.

DIAGRAM: EXHIBIT 2: Armenia’s productivity gap: Estimated labor
productivity, index: total productivity for software/IT sector in United
States = 100

MAP: EXHIBIT I: Armenia in context: Major economic indicators, 2002

Classical Score: In Armenia, Discovering The Past And The Present

Classical Score: In Armenia, Discovering The Past And The Present

Billboard
3/27/2004

By Anastasia Tsioulcas

Armenian composer Tigran Mansurian is a man of passion and intensity.

Whether discussing his friendship with Dmitri Shostakovich, describing
his childhood in Beirut, Lebanon, or recounting the influence of William
Faulkner’s writings on his work, Mansurian punctuates his reflections
with sweeping hand motions and piercing glances.

Yet the 65-year-old’s own music exemplifies the power and pungency of
the small and subtle gesture. Renowned violist Kim Kashkashian — herself
Armenian-American — explains the appeal of Mansurian’s music this way:
“His writing is very distilled, very concentrated. The intensity is
extreme.”

Mansurian says his music is steeped not just in Armenian music and
history but is also influenced by a Japanese artist he observed some 30
years ago.

“I saw an ikebana artist creating a composition from flowers,” he says,
“and the theory behind this art is to reveal beauty through simplicity.
When they cut off
leaves, you can see the childhood of the plant. From that emptiness, you
imagine and create life yourself.”

Despite his renown at home and his friendships with such colleagues as
Arvo Part, Alfred Schnittke, Sofia Gubaidulina, Valentin Silvestrov and
others, Mansurian
is not well-known internationally. However, that is rapidly changing.

Since their first meeting several years ago, Kashkashian has become a
champion of Mansurian’s work, and the composer has written several works
for her.
Kashkashian’s advocacy has blossomed into a long-term commitment to
Mansurian from producer/ECM label head Manfred Eicher.

The first fruit of that relationship arrived last July, when the
Munich-based ECM released “Hayren,” a disc that included Mansurian’s
piece “Havik” as well
as songs by the revered Armenian composer/ethnomusicologist Komitas
(1869-1935), arranged by Mansurian.

On March 30, ECM continues to explore Mansurian’s exceptional work with
a two-CD set titled “Monodia.” Two compositions on the new disc were written
expressly for Kashkashian: the 1995 viola concerto “And Then I Was in
Time Again . . .” and “Confessing With Faith” for viola and voices (in
which Kashkashian is joined by the Hilliard Ensemble).

“Lachrymae,” a piece for viola and saxophone, is played here by its
dedicatees, Kashkashian and Jan Garbarek (who makes his instrument sound
remarkably
like the traditional Armenian duduk). Rounding out the collection is
1981’s Violin Concerto, played by Leonidas Kavakos.

PHOTO (COLOR): MANSURIAN: WRITES MUSIC WITH ‘EXTREME’ INTENSITY

Journalists Condemn

A1 Plus | 22:25:48 | 30-03-2004 | Politics |

JOURNALISTS CONDEMN

A number of journalists’ organizations such as Yerevan Press Club, Armenian
Journalists Union, Internews and Fund for Speech Freedom Protection came up
with a statement on Tuesday condemning assault on the head of Armenia’s
Helsinki Association Mikael Danielyan.

“We consider that as one of consequences of intolerance atmosphere in the
republic”, the statement says.

The organizations hope the law enforcement bodies will eventually break the
mould and track down the criminals.

http://www.a1plus.am

AGBU Hye Geen Carries Out Successful Pregnant Women Project in ROA

AGBU PRESS OFFICE
55 East 59th Street, New York, NY 10022-1112
Phone (212) 319-6383
Fax (212) 319-6507
Email [email protected]
Webpage

PRESS RELEASE
Tuesday, March 30, 2004

AGBU Hye Geen Carries Out Successful Pregnant Women’s Project in
Armenia: Program Stresses Importance of Good Pre-Natal Care

With the goal of improving the health of expectant mothers and
reducing the alarming rates of infant mortality and complicated
pregnancies in Armenia, AGBU Hye Geen established the Pregnant Women
Project in the country’s second largest city, Gyumri, in June
2002. The participating women benefit from substantial pre-natal care
and vital medical exams, while also creating a unique and strong bond
among each other.

Since 1994, AGBU Hye Geen has continued to further its goals of
empowering women, making them more aware of their changing roles and
shedding light on women’s issues. Committee members initiated Hye
Geen with events to create awareness about the social and emotional
problems faced by Armenian women in Armenia and the Diaspora today.

As a group interested in women’s welfare, Hye Geen avidly follows the
female Armenian role both in the family and society. Recognizing the
realities that women face in the homeland, the group established a
sister center in Yerevan in 2001, and continues to co-sponsor the work
of the Sociology Department of Yerevan State University. In addition
to publishing a quarterly journal entitled, “Ganayk Hayots,” the
Department conducts extensive research and surveys about the status of
women in Armenia. The journal covers issues that were often considered
taboo, such as domestic violence, prostitution and the female prison
population.

AGBU Hye Geen’s Chairperson, Mrs. Sona Yacoubian, often accompanies
her physician husband on medical trips to Armenia. While touring
hospitals, she meets gynecologists who inform her of the startling
realities of pre and post-natal care in the country. Birthrates have
been decreasing considerably as abortion rates rise. In addition,
women were sustaining difficult pregnancies due to the lack of medical
attention and malnutrition. Consequentially, birth defects and infant
abandonment became growing problems.

Extremely troubled by the situation, Mrs. Yacoubian shared her
findings with the Hye Geen Committee, and the idea for a Pregnant
Women’s Center was conceived. “As a women’s organization, we must make
the effort to reach out to other women. The mother is the caretaker of
the household, therefore she must be safe and well provided for,” she
said. After consulting with its sister group in Armenia, AGBU Hye Geen
was advised by the Minister of Social Security that the town of Gyumri
had a very high birthrate, and thought it would be ideal to start the
pilot program there.

In June 2002, the Pregnant Women’s Center in Gyumri welcomed 20
pregnant women through its doors, whose lives changed considerably as
a result of this program. The group gathers at the Center, meets with
counselors individually, prepares nutritious meals together, obtains
vitamins sent by Hye Geen, receives advice on pre-natal care and
creates strong friendship ties. Physicians also visit on a regular
basis to provide medical exams.

Hye Geen Committee members stated, “The pregnant women bonded with
each other so greatly that they often return to the Center even after
childbirth. We had not initially anticipated such a situation, so we
quickly thought of occupational therapy activities that would allow
them to join the pregnant women and still feel involved.” Sitting
alongside the expectant mothers, the new mothers engage in productive
activities, such as knitting and sewing. Returning to the Center gives
them comfort, particularly since many of the program participants face
serious problems, such as unemployment, issues with family members, or
husbands who have left the country in search of better living
conditions. These women often turn to the counselors and each other
for support.

“The majority of these women have no other outlet for getting out of
the home,” a Hye Geen Committee member commented. “They come to the
Center for the important services we provide, in addition to the good
friendships they have developed. Some of the women even bring their
other children with them because they do not have anyone helping them
with childrearing.”

Hye Geen’s sister group in Armenia was so pleased with the outcome of
the project that the Yerevan State University Sociology Department has
sponsored another independent Pregnant Women’s Center in Vanatzor. Hye
Geen is hopeful that they will be able to establish and sponsor more
such Centers in Armenia so that a greater number of women will have
safer and healthier pregnancies. Mrs. Yacoubian summed up the program
by saying, “What we do through this project is keep two people
healthy: the mother and her newborn child. This way, mothers will be
far less likely to abandon their children and both will remain
healthy. Just consider how strong this will make the future
generations of our nation.”

AGBU Hye Geen’s mission is to preserve and honor the achievements of
Armenian women and to provide a forum for Armenian women throughout
the world. AGBU () is the largest international,
non-profit Armenian organization in the world, and is dedicated to
preserving and promoting the Armenian heritage and culture through
humanitarian, educational, cultural and social programs that serve
some 400,000 Armenians annually.

www.agbu.org
www.agbu.org

F18News: Turkmenistan – Muslims barred from opening new mosques

FORUM 18 NEWS SERVICE, Oslo, Norway

The right to believe, to worship and witness
The right to change one’s belief or religion
The right to join together and express one’s belief

=================================================

Tuesday 30 March 2004
TURKMENISTAN: MUSLIMS BARRED FROM OPENING NEW MOSQUES

Turkmenistan’s largest religious community, the Muslims, appear to have
been barred from benefiting from the promised easing of the harsh
registration restrictions that have prevented most of the country’s
religious communities from registering since 1997. “Do not build any more
mosques,” President Saparmurat Niyazov told officials of the government’s
Gengeshi (Council) for Religious Affairs on 29 March, insisting that its
officials must continue to appoint all mullahs and control mosque funds.
More than half the 250 registered mosques were stripped of their legal
status in 1997, and only 140 have registration today. Shia mosques appear
likely to remain banned. Forum 18 News Service has learnt that the only
other current legal faith, the Russian Orthodox Church, is planning to try
to register new parishes in the wake of this month’s presidential decree
and amendments to the religion law easing the restrictions.

TURKMENISTAN: MUSLIMS BARRED FROM OPENING NEW MOSQUES

By Felix Corley, Forum 18 News Service

Despite a new presidential decree and amendments to the religion law this
month lifting the tight restrictions on registering religious
organisations, the country’s president Saparmurat Niyazov has apparently
barred Muslim communities from benefiting from the new procedures.
“Religion is free,” he claimed to officials of the Gengeshi (Council) for
Religious Affairs on 29 March, saying he was handing over to it three
mosques, before adding: “Do not build any more mosques.” A range of
previously “illegal” religious communities – including the Catholics,
various Protestant communities and the Baha’is – are planning to lodge
registration applications, while Forum 18 News Service has learnt that one
of the two current permitted faiths – the Russian Orthodox Church – is also
planning to take advantage of the simplified procedures to register new
communities. It remains unclear why Turkmenistan’s majority faith – Islam –
will be unable to benefit from the new law.

Niyazov made the remarks the same day that Shirin Akhmedova, the head of
the department that registers religious communities at the Adalat (Justice)
Ministry, assured Forum 18 that both the Muslim community and the Russian
Orthodox could avail themselves of the new registration procedures along
with other religious communities. She said 140 Muslim communities and 12
Russian Orthodox parishes currently have registration. Before the harsh
registration restrictions were introduced in 1996, the Muslims had 250
registered communities.

Forum 18 was unable immediately to reach anyone at the Gengeshi or among
the Muslim leadership in the capital Ashgabad.

In his remarks to the Gengeshi staff, broadcast by state television on 30
March, Niyazov also insisted that the Gengeshi – a governmental body that
reports to the Cabinet of Ministers – must retain control over all aspects
of Islamic life, although under Article 11 of the country’s constitution
religion is supposed to be separate from the state. “They [mosques] should
not choose the mullahs themselves. Since you work here, you should appoint
mullahs from among those who have graduated from the department of religion
and have them approved by the court,” he ordered. “Otherwise, they select
anyone they want in the localities.” He also instructed that Gengeshi
officials should maintain “proper order” over donations to mosques. “We
will not take it from you. You just need to maintain order in it and look
at their expenditures.”

Although Sunni Islam has been one of only two faiths permitted to function
in Turkmenistan since 1997, it remains under tight state control. President
Niyazov ousted the chief mufti, Nasrullah ibn Ibadullah, in January 2003
and appointed Kakageldy Vepaev to replace him. The state authorities have
removed all ethnic Uzbek imams in the northern Dashgovuz region and
replaced them with ethnic Turkmens (see F18News 4 March 2004
). Nasrullah ibn
Ibadullah was arrested in Dashgovuz in mid-January of this year, according
to the Moscow-based researcher Vitali Ponomarev, and was sentenced to 22
years’ imprisonment on 2 March (see F18News 8 March 2004
).

President Niyazov’s dislike of Shia Islam has prevented Shia mosques from
registering and it now appears that the ban might continue. In a bizarre
case, the writer Rahim Esenov is facing criminal charges partly as a result
of defying the president’s criticism that in his novel about the
sixteenth-century regent of the Moghul empire, Bayram Khan, the hero was
correctly presented as a Shia, not a Sunni Muslim (see F18News 23 March
2004 ). Forum 18 is still
unable to reach Esenov by telephone in Ashgabad as his line continues to be
blocked.

President Niyazov issued his decree on religion on 11 March removing the
requirement that religious organisations must have 500 adult citizen
members before the can apply for registration, a provision introduced in
1996 which left all but the Sunni Muslims and Russian Orthodox stripped of
their registration. The religion law, revised only in October 2003 to
increase control over religious groups, was again revised this month to
reflect the simpler registration requirements. The new amendments,
published on 24 March in the government press in Turkmen and in Russian and
available on the government website
(), requires that
“religious groups” must have between five and fifty adult citizen members
to register, while “religious organisations” must have at least fifty. In
theory at least, this removes the obstacle to registering non-Sunni Muslim
and non-Orthodox communities.

Akhmedova of the Adalat Ministry told Forum 18 on 29 March that various
communities have come to her office to seek information on how to register.
“They come constantly to seek information,” she declared. She said she had
given communities a model statute that they could adapt for use. She added
that no community has yet lodged a registration application under the new
procedure.

Among the Protestant churches preparing to lodge an application is Greater
Grace church in Ashgabad, as its pastor Vladimir Tolmachev reported. “We
are collecting signatures and we expect to lodge the application within the
next week,” he told Forum 18 on 29 March. Describing the current situation
as “strange”, Tolmachev was optimistic that his church would get
registration, having read the text of the amendments to the religion law.

Aleksandr Yukharin, vice-president of the New Apostolic Church in Russia,
who maintains links with its community in Ashgabad, said his church is
pleased that it now has the opportunity to register. “We have been trying
to do so for a long time,” he told Forum 18 from Moscow on 30 March. “We
were warned last year not to meet, so we had to halt all our religious
activity. All over the world we abide by the laws of the state, which is
why our Ashgabad community stopped its activity.” He stressed that his
Church wants to resume its activity, but would do so only once it has
registration and can do so legally. “We do not conduct religious activity
illegally.”

Despite the denial of the possibility of registering new Muslim
communities, the Russian Orthodox Church is planning to try to register new
parishes to add to its current 12 registered communities. “Registration is
now a lot simpler,” Fr Ioann Kopach, the dean of Ashgabad, told Forum 18 on
30 March. He said the first two parishes likely to seek registration are in
the town of Khazar (formerly Cheleken) on the Caspian Sea and in the
northern Caspian Sea port of Bekdash. “We will seek the blessing of our
bishop, Metropolitan Vladimir of Tashkent, and then lodge the applications
and see what happens.”

He said the Church might also found parishes in other towns, though he said
most of the parishes that need registration already have it. He said the
Orthodox have already built a new church in the town of Tedjen and have
nearly completed a new church in Dashoguz to replace churches destroyed
during the Soviet period.

Both Fr Ioann and Fr Andrei Kiryakov, the priest of Turkmenabad (formerly
Charjou), admitted to Forum 18 that many of their parishioners are Armenian
Apostolic Christians, although the Armenian Church and the Orthodox Church
are of differing families of Churches. The Armenians have so far been
prevented from reopening churches in Turkmenistan, but Fr Ioann told Forum
18 that “it is a question for the Council for Religious Affairs why there
are no Armenian churches in Turkmenistan”.

Fr Ioann said that after the religion law was amended last October,
Orthodox parishes had expected to have to re-register with the Adalat
Ministry. However, given the latest religion law amendments he said it was
unclear whether this was still the case and if and when any re-registration
of existing registered communities might take place.

One draconian provision of the religion law that the new amendments have
not lifted is the ban on unregistered religious activity and the criminal
penalties imposed on those taking part in it. “I believe that they will
allow all the churches to register, then they will conduct checks and those
that continue to function without registration will be fined,” Pastor
Tolmachev of the Greater Grace church told Forum 18. If this does indeed
happen, one group that has already suffered numerous raids and punishments
on its communities – the Baptists of the Council of Churches who refuse to
register on principle in any of the post-Soviet republics where they
operate – is likely to be penalised once again.

For more background see Forum 18’s report on the October 2003 religion law
at

and Forum 18’s latest religious freedom survey at

A printer-friendly map of Turkmenistan is available at
x.html?Parent=asia&Rootmap=turkme
(END)

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